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Community Food: A Taste of Togetherness in Sudan
Community Food: A Taste of Togetherness in Sudan
Food in Sudan goes far beyond sustenance; it is a profound social connector that unites communities and fosters a sense of belonging. Mealtime is a communal experience, where sharing a plate symbolizes equality and inclusivity, breaking down socioeconomic barriers. These gatherings serve as spaces for storytelling, laughter, and mutual support, embodying values of hospitality and solidarity. Food rituals mark life’s milestones—celebrations, religious observances, and even mourning—reinforcing social bonds and collective identity. By involving all generations in preparation and sharing, Sudanese food traditions ensure that cultural values like unity, generosity, and shared responsibility are passed down and cherished.
In Sudanese culture, mealtime is rarely a solitary activity. Whether it’s a festive celebration, a religious observance, or an ordinary evening, sharing food with others is seen as a symbol of unity and mutual support. The practice of gathering around a communal tray, where dishes are served and eaten by hand, embodies the importance of togetherness. This tradition has deep roots and fosters a sense of community, breaking down barriers and reinforcing the importance of social bonds.
Hospitality is central to Sudanese culture. Guests—whether expected or not—are always welcomed with food, reinforcing the idea that sharing meals is a fundamental way to build relationships and strengthen communal ties. This sense of hospitality extends beyond the home. Large communal feasts are often held to celebrate major life events such as weddings, funerals, and the harvest season, further solidifying the collective spirit.
Al-Dara: A Pillar of Sudanese Communal Life
One of the most enduring symbols of communal food culture in Sudan is the ‘Al-Dara,’ a gathering space primarily found in rural areas, especially in western Sudan. Al-Dara is a welcoming space under the shade of a tree, where men—residents, guests, and passersby alike—convene to share meals. Each household contributes to Al-Dara, whether by serving tea in the morning, preparing meals in the evening, or ensuring the space remains a place of communal gathering.
Al-Dara reflects the deep-rooted traditions of responsibility and collective well-being. In regions like Kordofan and southern Al-Ubayyid, Al-Dara serves as more than a dining space—it becomes a social institution where generations come together. Elders sit in chairs and on angareb (traditional wooden beds), while younger men gather on mats, with children assisting in roles such as pouring water to wash the elders’ hands or serving food. This hierarchy instills respect for elders and ensures everyone has a role to play in maintaining the communal order.
Al-Dara is not only a place for meals but also a forum for resolving conflicts, discussing community matters, and reinforcing the values of respect, dialogue, and accountability. It is considered improper for young men to eat at home during these gatherings; instead, they are expected to join the community, even if they have other responsibilities. This practice strengthens communal bonds and ensures that everyone, regardless of their circumstances, contributes to the well-being of the community.
Beyond providing nutrition, Al-Dara acts as a space for community dialogue and decision-making. Elders’ opinions carry weight, and their guidance is respected. The structured seating arrangement ensures respect for elders, while younger members participate in discussions. Guests and visitors are always prioritized, reinforcing the values of hospitality and care.
This communal approach not only strengthens social ties but also ensures that the wisdom of older generations is passed down while younger members are given a platform to contribute. In a society that values interconnectedness, Al-Dara remains an essential part of the social and cultural fabric.
Fattah: A Dish of Togetherness
‘Fattah’ is a cherished communal dish in Sudan that embodies the values of sharing, creativity, and resourcefulness and is deeply rooted in social traditions. Central to the dish is the act of gathering people around a shared meal, breaking bread or other staples into smaller pieces, and combining these with other types of foods and stews to create something greater than the sum of its parts. This practice reflects the importance of togetherness and mutual support in Sudanese culture, making fattah a staple at both everyday gatherings and special occasions.
Widely practiced across Sudan, fattah transcends social and economic boundaries, as people share their food in one bowl without distinguishing who contributed what. This tradition evens the ground between individuals, removing any sense of embarrassment or disparity, and ensuring that everyone eats the same quality of food. It is a unifying act that fosters equality and community spirit. Whether in schools, workplaces, markets, or among children playing in neighborhoods, fattah serves as a reminder of the collective nature of Sudanese life.
More than just a meal, fattah is a social experience that strengthens connections. Its presence at weddings, religious celebrations, or as ‘karama’—an offering for blessings—underscores its role in reinforcing community bonds. Each version of fattah tells a story of adaptation and inclusivity, often shaped by local traditions and whatever ingredients are available. For example, the casual street food version known as ‘bosh’ (broken up loaves of bread soaked in in the stew of fava beans) is not only a budget-friendly dish but a symbol of ingenuity, with its origins tied to communal eating and shared experiences.
Fattah's enduring appeal lies in its ability to bring people together, whether through its traditional forms at major events or its modern, informal variations enjoyed on the streets. It stands as a testament to the values of community, equality, and the joy of sharing food—a true reflection of Sudanese social life.
Al-Takiya: A Tradition of Hospitality and Resilience
The concept of ‘Al-Takiya’, or communal kitchen, further exemplifies Sudan’s enduring culture of hospitality and shared responsibility. Traditionally, these establishments were founded by Sufi sheikhs who provided free meals to travellers, the poor, and those in need. These institutions evolved into community centers where food was shared not just to feed, but to foster goodwill and resilience.
In modern times, the Takiya has taken on a new role, especially in war-affected and besieged areas of Sudan. Women have organized community kitchens where each household contributes whatever they can—be it food, supplies, or labour. These grassroots initiatives have become critical in times of crisis, particularly when external humanitarian aid has failed to reach affected communities.
The ongoing conflict in Sudan has created a dire need for food security, particularly in areas where international aid has been obstructed by warring factions. In these circumstances, the Takiya has emerged as a sustainable, community-driven solution. Humanitarian organizations are urged to shift their focus towards supporting these grassroots efforts, which provide food security more effectively than traditional aid distribution methods.
The Takiya model represents resilience and self-reliance, demonstrating that communities are often best equipped to address their own needs. These communal kitchens have proven to be a beacon of hope during times of instability, ensuring that no one is left behind.
The history of Al-Takiya goes back to the Ottoman era, where they were associated with places of worship that provided food and shelter. Today, this form of mutual aid remains essential in modern Sudanese society, especially during times of conflict and displacement.
‘Orphaned Friday’ and Rahmatat: A Tradition of Giving Back
Another significant food tradition in Sudan is the practice of ‘asha al-maytin’ or ‘dinner for the deceased’, observed during the final days of Ramadan. Families prepare large meals, often featuring meat or ‘balila’ (a dish made from grains), which are shared with those less fortunate. The ritual varies by region, sometimes observed on Orphaned Friday (the last Friday of Ramadan) or on the final Thursday of the Ramadan.
This tradition is deeply rooted in Islamic principles, emphasizing the importance of charity and community. It symbolizes not only a shared meal among the living but also an act of remembrance and connection with the dead. The ‘walima’ (feast) of ‘asha al-rahmatat’ reflects the belief in offering blessings to deceased loved ones through acts of generosity and communal solidarity. Sharing food with others during this time is considered a way to honour the memory of the departed while fostering unity and goodwill among the living.
Children often take part in these gatherings, roaming the streets to sing chants and distribute food from house to house. These acts of generosity highlight the intergenerational transmission of values and ensure that the spirit of giving continues to flourish within the community.
In Sudan, food traditions like Al-Dara and Takiya are not just customs—they are pillars of social solidarity. Whether through community kitchens, feasts, or gatherings like Orphaned Friday, the act of sharing food has sustained communities through times of joy, remembrance, and hardship. All these forms of communal eating demonstrate how Sudanese food culture continues to embody the values of generosity, unity, and resilience. These traditions ensure that the collective spirit remains alive, connecting the past with the present, the living with the departed in times of peace and times of adversity.
Cover picture: A woman selling traditional food near the Gedaref market © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Food in Sudan goes far beyond sustenance; it is a profound social connector that unites communities and fosters a sense of belonging. Mealtime is a communal experience, where sharing a plate symbolizes equality and inclusivity, breaking down socioeconomic barriers. These gatherings serve as spaces for storytelling, laughter, and mutual support, embodying values of hospitality and solidarity. Food rituals mark life’s milestones—celebrations, religious observances, and even mourning—reinforcing social bonds and collective identity. By involving all generations in preparation and sharing, Sudanese food traditions ensure that cultural values like unity, generosity, and shared responsibility are passed down and cherished.
In Sudanese culture, mealtime is rarely a solitary activity. Whether it’s a festive celebration, a religious observance, or an ordinary evening, sharing food with others is seen as a symbol of unity and mutual support. The practice of gathering around a communal tray, where dishes are served and eaten by hand, embodies the importance of togetherness. This tradition has deep roots and fosters a sense of community, breaking down barriers and reinforcing the importance of social bonds.
Hospitality is central to Sudanese culture. Guests—whether expected or not—are always welcomed with food, reinforcing the idea that sharing meals is a fundamental way to build relationships and strengthen communal ties. This sense of hospitality extends beyond the home. Large communal feasts are often held to celebrate major life events such as weddings, funerals, and the harvest season, further solidifying the collective spirit.
Al-Dara: A Pillar of Sudanese Communal Life
One of the most enduring symbols of communal food culture in Sudan is the ‘Al-Dara,’ a gathering space primarily found in rural areas, especially in western Sudan. Al-Dara is a welcoming space under the shade of a tree, where men—residents, guests, and passersby alike—convene to share meals. Each household contributes to Al-Dara, whether by serving tea in the morning, preparing meals in the evening, or ensuring the space remains a place of communal gathering.
Al-Dara reflects the deep-rooted traditions of responsibility and collective well-being. In regions like Kordofan and southern Al-Ubayyid, Al-Dara serves as more than a dining space—it becomes a social institution where generations come together. Elders sit in chairs and on angareb (traditional wooden beds), while younger men gather on mats, with children assisting in roles such as pouring water to wash the elders’ hands or serving food. This hierarchy instills respect for elders and ensures everyone has a role to play in maintaining the communal order.
Al-Dara is not only a place for meals but also a forum for resolving conflicts, discussing community matters, and reinforcing the values of respect, dialogue, and accountability. It is considered improper for young men to eat at home during these gatherings; instead, they are expected to join the community, even if they have other responsibilities. This practice strengthens communal bonds and ensures that everyone, regardless of their circumstances, contributes to the well-being of the community.
Beyond providing nutrition, Al-Dara acts as a space for community dialogue and decision-making. Elders’ opinions carry weight, and their guidance is respected. The structured seating arrangement ensures respect for elders, while younger members participate in discussions. Guests and visitors are always prioritized, reinforcing the values of hospitality and care.
This communal approach not only strengthens social ties but also ensures that the wisdom of older generations is passed down while younger members are given a platform to contribute. In a society that values interconnectedness, Al-Dara remains an essential part of the social and cultural fabric.
Fattah: A Dish of Togetherness
‘Fattah’ is a cherished communal dish in Sudan that embodies the values of sharing, creativity, and resourcefulness and is deeply rooted in social traditions. Central to the dish is the act of gathering people around a shared meal, breaking bread or other staples into smaller pieces, and combining these with other types of foods and stews to create something greater than the sum of its parts. This practice reflects the importance of togetherness and mutual support in Sudanese culture, making fattah a staple at both everyday gatherings and special occasions.
Widely practiced across Sudan, fattah transcends social and economic boundaries, as people share their food in one bowl without distinguishing who contributed what. This tradition evens the ground between individuals, removing any sense of embarrassment or disparity, and ensuring that everyone eats the same quality of food. It is a unifying act that fosters equality and community spirit. Whether in schools, workplaces, markets, or among children playing in neighborhoods, fattah serves as a reminder of the collective nature of Sudanese life.
More than just a meal, fattah is a social experience that strengthens connections. Its presence at weddings, religious celebrations, or as ‘karama’—an offering for blessings—underscores its role in reinforcing community bonds. Each version of fattah tells a story of adaptation and inclusivity, often shaped by local traditions and whatever ingredients are available. For example, the casual street food version known as ‘bosh’ (broken up loaves of bread soaked in in the stew of fava beans) is not only a budget-friendly dish but a symbol of ingenuity, with its origins tied to communal eating and shared experiences.
Fattah's enduring appeal lies in its ability to bring people together, whether through its traditional forms at major events or its modern, informal variations enjoyed on the streets. It stands as a testament to the values of community, equality, and the joy of sharing food—a true reflection of Sudanese social life.
Al-Takiya: A Tradition of Hospitality and Resilience
The concept of ‘Al-Takiya’, or communal kitchen, further exemplifies Sudan’s enduring culture of hospitality and shared responsibility. Traditionally, these establishments were founded by Sufi sheikhs who provided free meals to travellers, the poor, and those in need. These institutions evolved into community centers where food was shared not just to feed, but to foster goodwill and resilience.
In modern times, the Takiya has taken on a new role, especially in war-affected and besieged areas of Sudan. Women have organized community kitchens where each household contributes whatever they can—be it food, supplies, or labour. These grassroots initiatives have become critical in times of crisis, particularly when external humanitarian aid has failed to reach affected communities.
The ongoing conflict in Sudan has created a dire need for food security, particularly in areas where international aid has been obstructed by warring factions. In these circumstances, the Takiya has emerged as a sustainable, community-driven solution. Humanitarian organizations are urged to shift their focus towards supporting these grassroots efforts, which provide food security more effectively than traditional aid distribution methods.
The Takiya model represents resilience and self-reliance, demonstrating that communities are often best equipped to address their own needs. These communal kitchens have proven to be a beacon of hope during times of instability, ensuring that no one is left behind.
The history of Al-Takiya goes back to the Ottoman era, where they were associated with places of worship that provided food and shelter. Today, this form of mutual aid remains essential in modern Sudanese society, especially during times of conflict and displacement.
‘Orphaned Friday’ and Rahmatat: A Tradition of Giving Back
Another significant food tradition in Sudan is the practice of ‘asha al-maytin’ or ‘dinner for the deceased’, observed during the final days of Ramadan. Families prepare large meals, often featuring meat or ‘balila’ (a dish made from grains), which are shared with those less fortunate. The ritual varies by region, sometimes observed on Orphaned Friday (the last Friday of Ramadan) or on the final Thursday of the Ramadan.
This tradition is deeply rooted in Islamic principles, emphasizing the importance of charity and community. It symbolizes not only a shared meal among the living but also an act of remembrance and connection with the dead. The ‘walima’ (feast) of ‘asha al-rahmatat’ reflects the belief in offering blessings to deceased loved ones through acts of generosity and communal solidarity. Sharing food with others during this time is considered a way to honour the memory of the departed while fostering unity and goodwill among the living.
Children often take part in these gatherings, roaming the streets to sing chants and distribute food from house to house. These acts of generosity highlight the intergenerational transmission of values and ensure that the spirit of giving continues to flourish within the community.
In Sudan, food traditions like Al-Dara and Takiya are not just customs—they are pillars of social solidarity. Whether through community kitchens, feasts, or gatherings like Orphaned Friday, the act of sharing food has sustained communities through times of joy, remembrance, and hardship. All these forms of communal eating demonstrate how Sudanese food culture continues to embody the values of generosity, unity, and resilience. These traditions ensure that the collective spirit remains alive, connecting the past with the present, the living with the departed in times of peace and times of adversity.
Cover picture: A woman selling traditional food near the Gedaref market © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Food in Sudan goes far beyond sustenance; it is a profound social connector that unites communities and fosters a sense of belonging. Mealtime is a communal experience, where sharing a plate symbolizes equality and inclusivity, breaking down socioeconomic barriers. These gatherings serve as spaces for storytelling, laughter, and mutual support, embodying values of hospitality and solidarity. Food rituals mark life’s milestones—celebrations, religious observances, and even mourning—reinforcing social bonds and collective identity. By involving all generations in preparation and sharing, Sudanese food traditions ensure that cultural values like unity, generosity, and shared responsibility are passed down and cherished.
In Sudanese culture, mealtime is rarely a solitary activity. Whether it’s a festive celebration, a religious observance, or an ordinary evening, sharing food with others is seen as a symbol of unity and mutual support. The practice of gathering around a communal tray, where dishes are served and eaten by hand, embodies the importance of togetherness. This tradition has deep roots and fosters a sense of community, breaking down barriers and reinforcing the importance of social bonds.
Hospitality is central to Sudanese culture. Guests—whether expected or not—are always welcomed with food, reinforcing the idea that sharing meals is a fundamental way to build relationships and strengthen communal ties. This sense of hospitality extends beyond the home. Large communal feasts are often held to celebrate major life events such as weddings, funerals, and the harvest season, further solidifying the collective spirit.
Al-Dara: A Pillar of Sudanese Communal Life
One of the most enduring symbols of communal food culture in Sudan is the ‘Al-Dara,’ a gathering space primarily found in rural areas, especially in western Sudan. Al-Dara is a welcoming space under the shade of a tree, where men—residents, guests, and passersby alike—convene to share meals. Each household contributes to Al-Dara, whether by serving tea in the morning, preparing meals in the evening, or ensuring the space remains a place of communal gathering.
Al-Dara reflects the deep-rooted traditions of responsibility and collective well-being. In regions like Kordofan and southern Al-Ubayyid, Al-Dara serves as more than a dining space—it becomes a social institution where generations come together. Elders sit in chairs and on angareb (traditional wooden beds), while younger men gather on mats, with children assisting in roles such as pouring water to wash the elders’ hands or serving food. This hierarchy instills respect for elders and ensures everyone has a role to play in maintaining the communal order.
Al-Dara is not only a place for meals but also a forum for resolving conflicts, discussing community matters, and reinforcing the values of respect, dialogue, and accountability. It is considered improper for young men to eat at home during these gatherings; instead, they are expected to join the community, even if they have other responsibilities. This practice strengthens communal bonds and ensures that everyone, regardless of their circumstances, contributes to the well-being of the community.
Beyond providing nutrition, Al-Dara acts as a space for community dialogue and decision-making. Elders’ opinions carry weight, and their guidance is respected. The structured seating arrangement ensures respect for elders, while younger members participate in discussions. Guests and visitors are always prioritized, reinforcing the values of hospitality and care.
This communal approach not only strengthens social ties but also ensures that the wisdom of older generations is passed down while younger members are given a platform to contribute. In a society that values interconnectedness, Al-Dara remains an essential part of the social and cultural fabric.
Fattah: A Dish of Togetherness
‘Fattah’ is a cherished communal dish in Sudan that embodies the values of sharing, creativity, and resourcefulness and is deeply rooted in social traditions. Central to the dish is the act of gathering people around a shared meal, breaking bread or other staples into smaller pieces, and combining these with other types of foods and stews to create something greater than the sum of its parts. This practice reflects the importance of togetherness and mutual support in Sudanese culture, making fattah a staple at both everyday gatherings and special occasions.
Widely practiced across Sudan, fattah transcends social and economic boundaries, as people share their food in one bowl without distinguishing who contributed what. This tradition evens the ground between individuals, removing any sense of embarrassment or disparity, and ensuring that everyone eats the same quality of food. It is a unifying act that fosters equality and community spirit. Whether in schools, workplaces, markets, or among children playing in neighborhoods, fattah serves as a reminder of the collective nature of Sudanese life.
More than just a meal, fattah is a social experience that strengthens connections. Its presence at weddings, religious celebrations, or as ‘karama’—an offering for blessings—underscores its role in reinforcing community bonds. Each version of fattah tells a story of adaptation and inclusivity, often shaped by local traditions and whatever ingredients are available. For example, the casual street food version known as ‘bosh’ (broken up loaves of bread soaked in in the stew of fava beans) is not only a budget-friendly dish but a symbol of ingenuity, with its origins tied to communal eating and shared experiences.
Fattah's enduring appeal lies in its ability to bring people together, whether through its traditional forms at major events or its modern, informal variations enjoyed on the streets. It stands as a testament to the values of community, equality, and the joy of sharing food—a true reflection of Sudanese social life.
Al-Takiya: A Tradition of Hospitality and Resilience
The concept of ‘Al-Takiya’, or communal kitchen, further exemplifies Sudan’s enduring culture of hospitality and shared responsibility. Traditionally, these establishments were founded by Sufi sheikhs who provided free meals to travellers, the poor, and those in need. These institutions evolved into community centers where food was shared not just to feed, but to foster goodwill and resilience.
In modern times, the Takiya has taken on a new role, especially in war-affected and besieged areas of Sudan. Women have organized community kitchens where each household contributes whatever they can—be it food, supplies, or labour. These grassroots initiatives have become critical in times of crisis, particularly when external humanitarian aid has failed to reach affected communities.
The ongoing conflict in Sudan has created a dire need for food security, particularly in areas where international aid has been obstructed by warring factions. In these circumstances, the Takiya has emerged as a sustainable, community-driven solution. Humanitarian organizations are urged to shift their focus towards supporting these grassroots efforts, which provide food security more effectively than traditional aid distribution methods.
The Takiya model represents resilience and self-reliance, demonstrating that communities are often best equipped to address their own needs. These communal kitchens have proven to be a beacon of hope during times of instability, ensuring that no one is left behind.
The history of Al-Takiya goes back to the Ottoman era, where they were associated with places of worship that provided food and shelter. Today, this form of mutual aid remains essential in modern Sudanese society, especially during times of conflict and displacement.
‘Orphaned Friday’ and Rahmatat: A Tradition of Giving Back
Another significant food tradition in Sudan is the practice of ‘asha al-maytin’ or ‘dinner for the deceased’, observed during the final days of Ramadan. Families prepare large meals, often featuring meat or ‘balila’ (a dish made from grains), which are shared with those less fortunate. The ritual varies by region, sometimes observed on Orphaned Friday (the last Friday of Ramadan) or on the final Thursday of the Ramadan.
This tradition is deeply rooted in Islamic principles, emphasizing the importance of charity and community. It symbolizes not only a shared meal among the living but also an act of remembrance and connection with the dead. The ‘walima’ (feast) of ‘asha al-rahmatat’ reflects the belief in offering blessings to deceased loved ones through acts of generosity and communal solidarity. Sharing food with others during this time is considered a way to honour the memory of the departed while fostering unity and goodwill among the living.
Children often take part in these gatherings, roaming the streets to sing chants and distribute food from house to house. These acts of generosity highlight the intergenerational transmission of values and ensure that the spirit of giving continues to flourish within the community.
In Sudan, food traditions like Al-Dara and Takiya are not just customs—they are pillars of social solidarity. Whether through community kitchens, feasts, or gatherings like Orphaned Friday, the act of sharing food has sustained communities through times of joy, remembrance, and hardship. All these forms of communal eating demonstrate how Sudanese food culture continues to embody the values of generosity, unity, and resilience. These traditions ensure that the collective spirit remains alive, connecting the past with the present, the living with the departed in times of peace and times of adversity.
Cover picture: A woman selling traditional food near the Gedaref market © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Asida
Asida
Asha Ali Mohamed Nour prepares Asida in Darfur, a traditional Sudanese dish.
Asida or Lugma is a firm, porridge-like staple food people around Sudan eat with various types of Mulah or stews.
This film was made by Mark Watmore and Yoho media.
Ingredients:
Asida
Water
Flour - sorghum or millet
Khammar (fermented dough)
Ghee
Mulah Alroub (dairy-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water
Sour yoghurt (Rawb)
Tomato paste
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
Mulah Tagaliya (meat-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground-dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water and Tomato paste or fresh tomatoes blended
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
⎯
Cover picture © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Asha Ali Mohamed Nour prepares Asida in Darfur, a traditional Sudanese dish.
Asida or Lugma is a firm, porridge-like staple food people around Sudan eat with various types of Mulah or stews.
This film was made by Mark Watmore and Yoho media.
Ingredients:
Asida
Water
Flour - sorghum or millet
Khammar (fermented dough)
Ghee
Mulah Alroub (dairy-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water
Sour yoghurt (Rawb)
Tomato paste
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
Mulah Tagaliya (meat-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground-dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water and Tomato paste or fresh tomatoes blended
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
⎯
Cover picture © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Asha Ali Mohamed Nour prepares Asida in Darfur, a traditional Sudanese dish.
Asida or Lugma is a firm, porridge-like staple food people around Sudan eat with various types of Mulah or stews.
This film was made by Mark Watmore and Yoho media.
Ingredients:
Asida
Water
Flour - sorghum or millet
Khammar (fermented dough)
Ghee
Mulah Alroub (dairy-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water
Sour yoghurt (Rawb)
Tomato paste
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
Mulah Tagaliya (meat-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground-dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water and Tomato paste or fresh tomatoes blended
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
⎯
Cover picture © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Guess the tool
Guess the tool
The train menu
The train menu
Food-on-the-move is an interesting concept that may be considered from a variety of angles. Traditionally, preserved food has been a key component of cooking in Sudan, to keep from being spoiled by the hot temperature and the lengthy periods of time between harvests. In this way, food was made to last longer. Being on the move is also an important part of many Sudanese cultures, for example for the traders criss-crossing the country or for nomadic tribes who regularly move from one location to another but also for those who were formerly nomads but have now settled. These settled groups have developed new methods of preserving food such as fermentation which is not common among the nomadic tribes who consider this type of food to be processed or industrialized.
In Sudan there are specific dishes that are associated with travel, such as gurasat al-balah known mostly in northern Sudan and which is a flat, bread-like loaf made out of dates and is easy to pack with the date sugar providing much needed energy and sustenance. In western Sudan, another energy-packed food for travel is damasoro or khamis tawiera, which combines sesame seeds, peanuts, ghee and kisra or sorghum flatbread, dried dates and spices. The mixture is then made into a coarse powder which is consumed dry or with milk or water.
Milk products such as sour milk or roub is a travel food known more among nomads and garis is when different herbs, such as nigella seeds, are added to preserve it. Ghubasha and fursa are other variations of milk drinks. In Sudan, meat is processed in three different ways in order for it to be taken on a journey: lahma nashfa or dried meat, is a meat that is slowly cooked over a long period of time until it dries out, a similar process is carried out with fat and rind and is known as rabeet. Meat can also be dried naturally in the sun and can be either small strips of meat called sharmout, which is later pound into a powder format and used to make stews, or shugag, a specific joint of meat from smaller or wild animals, cut lengthwise into four, six or eight parts and dried together. Finally, meat can also be salted.
A recent method of transporting food, now that travel is faster and safer, is to prepare sandwiches, especially of ful or fava beans, boiled eggs and tamia or falafel. This trio of favourites is very popular in everyday settings and can sometimes even be mashed together in one dish. During times when trains were fully operational in Sudan, food-on-the-move was associated with restaurant carriages, serving mainly western menus for breakfast, lunch, dinner and tea. They were also known for having their own packaged items for consumption such as flavored lemonade. A menu of food offered on the El-Obeid line when it was opened was recently shared on social media platforms. Written in French, the list contained dishes such as caviar and needless to say, this was not meant for everyone!
Service consisted of the famous white porcelain dishes with a green rim which, for first and second class passengers, would be delivered to your room or in the restaurant carriage. Today, the few trains that do operate do not offer catering and the simple sandwich has taken its place and can be bought in bustling stations amongst the hubbub of shouting vendors and cries of those coming say goodbye to their loved ones.
Header picture and Gallery pictures © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Food-on-the-move is an interesting concept that may be considered from a variety of angles. Traditionally, preserved food has been a key component of cooking in Sudan, to keep from being spoiled by the hot temperature and the lengthy periods of time between harvests. In this way, food was made to last longer. Being on the move is also an important part of many Sudanese cultures, for example for the traders criss-crossing the country or for nomadic tribes who regularly move from one location to another but also for those who were formerly nomads but have now settled. These settled groups have developed new methods of preserving food such as fermentation which is not common among the nomadic tribes who consider this type of food to be processed or industrialized.
In Sudan there are specific dishes that are associated with travel, such as gurasat al-balah known mostly in northern Sudan and which is a flat, bread-like loaf made out of dates and is easy to pack with the date sugar providing much needed energy and sustenance. In western Sudan, another energy-packed food for travel is damasoro or khamis tawiera, which combines sesame seeds, peanuts, ghee and kisra or sorghum flatbread, dried dates and spices. The mixture is then made into a coarse powder which is consumed dry or with milk or water.
Milk products such as sour milk or roub is a travel food known more among nomads and garis is when different herbs, such as nigella seeds, are added to preserve it. Ghubasha and fursa are other variations of milk drinks. In Sudan, meat is processed in three different ways in order for it to be taken on a journey: lahma nashfa or dried meat, is a meat that is slowly cooked over a long period of time until it dries out, a similar process is carried out with fat and rind and is known as rabeet. Meat can also be dried naturally in the sun and can be either small strips of meat called sharmout, which is later pound into a powder format and used to make stews, or shugag, a specific joint of meat from smaller or wild animals, cut lengthwise into four, six or eight parts and dried together. Finally, meat can also be salted.
A recent method of transporting food, now that travel is faster and safer, is to prepare sandwiches, especially of ful or fava beans, boiled eggs and tamia or falafel. This trio of favourites is very popular in everyday settings and can sometimes even be mashed together in one dish. During times when trains were fully operational in Sudan, food-on-the-move was associated with restaurant carriages, serving mainly western menus for breakfast, lunch, dinner and tea. They were also known for having their own packaged items for consumption such as flavored lemonade. A menu of food offered on the El-Obeid line when it was opened was recently shared on social media platforms. Written in French, the list contained dishes such as caviar and needless to say, this was not meant for everyone!
Service consisted of the famous white porcelain dishes with a green rim which, for first and second class passengers, would be delivered to your room or in the restaurant carriage. Today, the few trains that do operate do not offer catering and the simple sandwich has taken its place and can be bought in bustling stations amongst the hubbub of shouting vendors and cries of those coming say goodbye to their loved ones.
Header picture and Gallery pictures © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Food-on-the-move is an interesting concept that may be considered from a variety of angles. Traditionally, preserved food has been a key component of cooking in Sudan, to keep from being spoiled by the hot temperature and the lengthy periods of time between harvests. In this way, food was made to last longer. Being on the move is also an important part of many Sudanese cultures, for example for the traders criss-crossing the country or for nomadic tribes who regularly move from one location to another but also for those who were formerly nomads but have now settled. These settled groups have developed new methods of preserving food such as fermentation which is not common among the nomadic tribes who consider this type of food to be processed or industrialized.
In Sudan there are specific dishes that are associated with travel, such as gurasat al-balah known mostly in northern Sudan and which is a flat, bread-like loaf made out of dates and is easy to pack with the date sugar providing much needed energy and sustenance. In western Sudan, another energy-packed food for travel is damasoro or khamis tawiera, which combines sesame seeds, peanuts, ghee and kisra or sorghum flatbread, dried dates and spices. The mixture is then made into a coarse powder which is consumed dry or with milk or water.
Milk products such as sour milk or roub is a travel food known more among nomads and garis is when different herbs, such as nigella seeds, are added to preserve it. Ghubasha and fursa are other variations of milk drinks. In Sudan, meat is processed in three different ways in order for it to be taken on a journey: lahma nashfa or dried meat, is a meat that is slowly cooked over a long period of time until it dries out, a similar process is carried out with fat and rind and is known as rabeet. Meat can also be dried naturally in the sun and can be either small strips of meat called sharmout, which is later pound into a powder format and used to make stews, or shugag, a specific joint of meat from smaller or wild animals, cut lengthwise into four, six or eight parts and dried together. Finally, meat can also be salted.
A recent method of transporting food, now that travel is faster and safer, is to prepare sandwiches, especially of ful or fava beans, boiled eggs and tamia or falafel. This trio of favourites is very popular in everyday settings and can sometimes even be mashed together in one dish. During times when trains were fully operational in Sudan, food-on-the-move was associated with restaurant carriages, serving mainly western menus for breakfast, lunch, dinner and tea. They were also known for having their own packaged items for consumption such as flavored lemonade. A menu of food offered on the El-Obeid line when it was opened was recently shared on social media platforms. Written in French, the list contained dishes such as caviar and needless to say, this was not meant for everyone!
Service consisted of the famous white porcelain dishes with a green rim which, for first and second class passengers, would be delivered to your room or in the restaurant carriage. Today, the few trains that do operate do not offer catering and the simple sandwich has taken its place and can be bought in bustling stations amongst the hubbub of shouting vendors and cries of those coming say goodbye to their loved ones.
Header picture and Gallery pictures © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Khartoum Market
Khartoum Market
Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, a graduate of the Faculty of Geography, Damascus University, conducted a study titled “The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market” as part of her diploma in urban planning at the Development Studies and Research Institute of Khartoum University. In an interview with Studio Urban, Dr. Zain talks about the old Khartoum Market which was built in 1903 to cater for the needs of the city’s residents and which played an important role in distributing the state's agricultural products. Dr. Zain also discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the old market and the consequences of its removal and recalls her childhood memories at the old market, where she used to go with her father to buy family supplies.
Dr. Zain’s research talks in detail about the old market and its social and economic value to central Khartoum and describes how the market used to be made up of eight sectors, some of which were tourist attractions. She also describes the reasons why the market was removed, such as to make way for traffic junctions, pollution, and promises to upgrade the urban space.
Dr. Zain’s research explains that the decision to remove the market was not necessarily a bad one, however troubles with implementation, and the fact that most of the promised solutions were not fulfilled, was problematic. The research lists all the regulations and policies that stipulated the inclusion of the merchants of the Khartoum Market in the new development and ensured that the markets were located fairly and logically. In her interview thirty years after the market was removed, Dr. Zain reflects on the promises that were made, such as developing the urban public space in Khartoum, allocating offices for government use, and finding solutions to the problem of traffic. She points to the “five-star,” up-market Al-Waha Mall, as an example of a broken promise and the use of the land, where part of the old market stood, to construct an outlet which targeted the rich and pushed away those from lower economic backgrounds who had frequented the old market.
Finally, the study reviews the alternative neighborhood markets that were built all around Khartoum and how most of them failed as a result of their initial design and their placement in open public spaces, but also how they did not have the social and cultural impact the Khartoum Market had as they were isolated and only functioned for a few hours everyday. Nevertheless, Dr. Zain gives an example of one successful case of a neighborhood market in western Khartoum. She says the demographic of the area, their consumption culture and large number of population as well as the lack of access to food markets in the region and proximity to public transport, contributed to its thriving.
Accompanying this interview are some image extracts from the original document.
The interview was conducted by Studio Urban in an attempt to “Document Spatial Narratives” in Khartoum as part of a range of interviews with a diverse group of Khartoum residents, each sharing their memories and insights about Khartoum's famous places.
About a Space podcast is a sub-series to the Khartoum Podcast.
Header picture © Azza Mohamed, Studio Urban
Gallery pictures © Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, extracts from thesis titled The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market
Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, a graduate of the Faculty of Geography, Damascus University, conducted a study titled “The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market” as part of her diploma in urban planning at the Development Studies and Research Institute of Khartoum University. In an interview with Studio Urban, Dr. Zain talks about the old Khartoum Market which was built in 1903 to cater for the needs of the city’s residents and which played an important role in distributing the state's agricultural products. Dr. Zain also discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the old market and the consequences of its removal and recalls her childhood memories at the old market, where she used to go with her father to buy family supplies.
Dr. Zain’s research talks in detail about the old market and its social and economic value to central Khartoum and describes how the market used to be made up of eight sectors, some of which were tourist attractions. She also describes the reasons why the market was removed, such as to make way for traffic junctions, pollution, and promises to upgrade the urban space.
Dr. Zain’s research explains that the decision to remove the market was not necessarily a bad one, however troubles with implementation, and the fact that most of the promised solutions were not fulfilled, was problematic. The research lists all the regulations and policies that stipulated the inclusion of the merchants of the Khartoum Market in the new development and ensured that the markets were located fairly and logically. In her interview thirty years after the market was removed, Dr. Zain reflects on the promises that were made, such as developing the urban public space in Khartoum, allocating offices for government use, and finding solutions to the problem of traffic. She points to the “five-star,” up-market Al-Waha Mall, as an example of a broken promise and the use of the land, where part of the old market stood, to construct an outlet which targeted the rich and pushed away those from lower economic backgrounds who had frequented the old market.
Finally, the study reviews the alternative neighborhood markets that were built all around Khartoum and how most of them failed as a result of their initial design and their placement in open public spaces, but also how they did not have the social and cultural impact the Khartoum Market had as they were isolated and only functioned for a few hours everyday. Nevertheless, Dr. Zain gives an example of one successful case of a neighborhood market in western Khartoum. She says the demographic of the area, their consumption culture and large number of population as well as the lack of access to food markets in the region and proximity to public transport, contributed to its thriving.
Accompanying this interview are some image extracts from the original document.
The interview was conducted by Studio Urban in an attempt to “Document Spatial Narratives” in Khartoum as part of a range of interviews with a diverse group of Khartoum residents, each sharing their memories and insights about Khartoum's famous places.
About a Space podcast is a sub-series to the Khartoum Podcast.
Header picture © Azza Mohamed, Studio Urban
Gallery pictures © Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, extracts from thesis titled The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market
Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, a graduate of the Faculty of Geography, Damascus University, conducted a study titled “The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market” as part of her diploma in urban planning at the Development Studies and Research Institute of Khartoum University. In an interview with Studio Urban, Dr. Zain talks about the old Khartoum Market which was built in 1903 to cater for the needs of the city’s residents and which played an important role in distributing the state's agricultural products. Dr. Zain also discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the old market and the consequences of its removal and recalls her childhood memories at the old market, where she used to go with her father to buy family supplies.
Dr. Zain’s research talks in detail about the old market and its social and economic value to central Khartoum and describes how the market used to be made up of eight sectors, some of which were tourist attractions. She also describes the reasons why the market was removed, such as to make way for traffic junctions, pollution, and promises to upgrade the urban space.
Dr. Zain’s research explains that the decision to remove the market was not necessarily a bad one, however troubles with implementation, and the fact that most of the promised solutions were not fulfilled, was problematic. The research lists all the regulations and policies that stipulated the inclusion of the merchants of the Khartoum Market in the new development and ensured that the markets were located fairly and logically. In her interview thirty years after the market was removed, Dr. Zain reflects on the promises that were made, such as developing the urban public space in Khartoum, allocating offices for government use, and finding solutions to the problem of traffic. She points to the “five-star,” up-market Al-Waha Mall, as an example of a broken promise and the use of the land, where part of the old market stood, to construct an outlet which targeted the rich and pushed away those from lower economic backgrounds who had frequented the old market.
Finally, the study reviews the alternative neighborhood markets that were built all around Khartoum and how most of them failed as a result of their initial design and their placement in open public spaces, but also how they did not have the social and cultural impact the Khartoum Market had as they were isolated and only functioned for a few hours everyday. Nevertheless, Dr. Zain gives an example of one successful case of a neighborhood market in western Khartoum. She says the demographic of the area, their consumption culture and large number of population as well as the lack of access to food markets in the region and proximity to public transport, contributed to its thriving.
Accompanying this interview are some image extracts from the original document.
The interview was conducted by Studio Urban in an attempt to “Document Spatial Narratives” in Khartoum as part of a range of interviews with a diverse group of Khartoum residents, each sharing their memories and insights about Khartoum's famous places.
About a Space podcast is a sub-series to the Khartoum Podcast.
Header picture © Azza Mohamed, Studio Urban
Gallery pictures © Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, extracts from thesis titled The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market
Storing culture
Storing culture
Recipes can hold within them a magnitude of cultural traits and values. You recognize this when you taste food made with a specific recipe, or when you try to replicate your mother’s dish or find ingredients in a new country or when a specific occasion comes around and you crave the food your grandmother used to make to celebrate this same day.
What we eat, how we cook it and with whom we eat it, are all pathways to activating cultural activities with all the old crafts, knowledge, practices and rituals that are involved.
If food stores culture then where is food stored?
The answer to this question is multidimensional, because of course it is stored in cooking, in eating, in practicing and in teaching. However, a more pragmatic answer would be that it is stored in cookbooks and other archiving methods. One such method is the online space which has become a key tool for preserving and storing archives, especially relating to music and living culture, even though many platforms were not created with the intention of archiving, they now serve that purpose. This is where many Sudanese people turn with the ongoing displacement crisis and increasing difficulties in cooking the authentic recipes they grew up eating.
Other than for survival, the quality of food is important for our health, both mentally and physically. Access to food is a human right that is why community kitchens, takaya, around Sudan are now playing a significant role in providing food to war-affected communities. By offering meals through this unique method of local support and sharing this life-saving aid also bestows dignity on those who receive it.
Now, going back to the online space, there are a remarkable number of food bloggers who specialize in cooking Sudanese food and also in showing variations and alternatives to ingredients so that recipes can be cooked abroad or to match dietary restrictions. One prime example is Simsimia’s Kitchen, one of the first of its kind which gained a lot of popularity, especially the rice flour and yogurt asida, which was a quick and accessible method of making the staple dish. Simsimia established her food blog in 2008 after she was encouraged on various forums that were popular at the time, to create a platform to recreate recipes by her late mother and help younger women access these recipes.
Another change to the online culture was the advent of social media, especially Facebook groups which still remains the most popular platform for Sudanese users. One of the largest groups is The Sudan Contemporary and Traditional Kitchen, a group that was started in May 2015 by Sudanese chefs and which gained popularity among mothers and now has over 1.5 million members. The platform is considered the largest Sudanese cookery platform, as members are encouraged to share recipes with details of all the steps and ingredients. The platform has a positive, supportive culture and all comments deemed degrading to skill or culture is prohibited. Even for my own work on this blog theme, this platform has been one of the key resources that I have used to learn about recipes but much importantly about culture. The discussion format allows many members to explain the cultural norms associated with the dish, the name they use for a specific dish and many aspects that spark discussion between the different members of the group about the recipe or dish.
Recently, even more social media influencers have started sharing food videos and content online using various platforms and in differing formats. For example, the account Habi Makes on Instagram, where the focus is on food photography which the owner started posting in 2017 and which developed into content showing recipes presented in an artistic way. Other content creators on TickTok or YouTube have also gained popularity for sharing short and easy to follow recipes, such as Ahmed Abdin, who has over 250k followers on TickTok alone. His short format videos of food content, which he started posting in early 2020, gained popularity very fast. In terms of the cultural aspect of food, platforms such as the Sudanese Kitchen page and website, have also started to appear and in terms of Sudanese Kitchen the owner is in the process of collecting all his materials in order to produce a book.
Finally an other resource is Mazaq khas magazine, a food focused online magazine.
Header picture © Yousif Alshikh, Khartoum، 2022
Recipes can hold within them a magnitude of cultural traits and values. You recognize this when you taste food made with a specific recipe, or when you try to replicate your mother’s dish or find ingredients in a new country or when a specific occasion comes around and you crave the food your grandmother used to make to celebrate this same day.
What we eat, how we cook it and with whom we eat it, are all pathways to activating cultural activities with all the old crafts, knowledge, practices and rituals that are involved.
If food stores culture then where is food stored?
The answer to this question is multidimensional, because of course it is stored in cooking, in eating, in practicing and in teaching. However, a more pragmatic answer would be that it is stored in cookbooks and other archiving methods. One such method is the online space which has become a key tool for preserving and storing archives, especially relating to music and living culture, even though many platforms were not created with the intention of archiving, they now serve that purpose. This is where many Sudanese people turn with the ongoing displacement crisis and increasing difficulties in cooking the authentic recipes they grew up eating.
Other than for survival, the quality of food is important for our health, both mentally and physically. Access to food is a human right that is why community kitchens, takaya, around Sudan are now playing a significant role in providing food to war-affected communities. By offering meals through this unique method of local support and sharing this life-saving aid also bestows dignity on those who receive it.
Now, going back to the online space, there are a remarkable number of food bloggers who specialize in cooking Sudanese food and also in showing variations and alternatives to ingredients so that recipes can be cooked abroad or to match dietary restrictions. One prime example is Simsimia’s Kitchen, one of the first of its kind which gained a lot of popularity, especially the rice flour and yogurt asida, which was a quick and accessible method of making the staple dish. Simsimia established her food blog in 2008 after she was encouraged on various forums that were popular at the time, to create a platform to recreate recipes by her late mother and help younger women access these recipes.
Another change to the online culture was the advent of social media, especially Facebook groups which still remains the most popular platform for Sudanese users. One of the largest groups is The Sudan Contemporary and Traditional Kitchen, a group that was started in May 2015 by Sudanese chefs and which gained popularity among mothers and now has over 1.5 million members. The platform is considered the largest Sudanese cookery platform, as members are encouraged to share recipes with details of all the steps and ingredients. The platform has a positive, supportive culture and all comments deemed degrading to skill or culture is prohibited. Even for my own work on this blog theme, this platform has been one of the key resources that I have used to learn about recipes but much importantly about culture. The discussion format allows many members to explain the cultural norms associated with the dish, the name they use for a specific dish and many aspects that spark discussion between the different members of the group about the recipe or dish.
Recently, even more social media influencers have started sharing food videos and content online using various platforms and in differing formats. For example, the account Habi Makes on Instagram, where the focus is on food photography which the owner started posting in 2017 and which developed into content showing recipes presented in an artistic way. Other content creators on TickTok or YouTube have also gained popularity for sharing short and easy to follow recipes, such as Ahmed Abdin, who has over 250k followers on TickTok alone. His short format videos of food content, which he started posting in early 2020, gained popularity very fast. In terms of the cultural aspect of food, platforms such as the Sudanese Kitchen page and website, have also started to appear and in terms of Sudanese Kitchen the owner is in the process of collecting all his materials in order to produce a book.
Finally an other resource is Mazaq khas magazine, a food focused online magazine.
Header picture © Yousif Alshikh, Khartoum، 2022
Recipes can hold within them a magnitude of cultural traits and values. You recognize this when you taste food made with a specific recipe, or when you try to replicate your mother’s dish or find ingredients in a new country or when a specific occasion comes around and you crave the food your grandmother used to make to celebrate this same day.
What we eat, how we cook it and with whom we eat it, are all pathways to activating cultural activities with all the old crafts, knowledge, practices and rituals that are involved.
If food stores culture then where is food stored?
The answer to this question is multidimensional, because of course it is stored in cooking, in eating, in practicing and in teaching. However, a more pragmatic answer would be that it is stored in cookbooks and other archiving methods. One such method is the online space which has become a key tool for preserving and storing archives, especially relating to music and living culture, even though many platforms were not created with the intention of archiving, they now serve that purpose. This is where many Sudanese people turn with the ongoing displacement crisis and increasing difficulties in cooking the authentic recipes they grew up eating.
Other than for survival, the quality of food is important for our health, both mentally and physically. Access to food is a human right that is why community kitchens, takaya, around Sudan are now playing a significant role in providing food to war-affected communities. By offering meals through this unique method of local support and sharing this life-saving aid also bestows dignity on those who receive it.
Now, going back to the online space, there are a remarkable number of food bloggers who specialize in cooking Sudanese food and also in showing variations and alternatives to ingredients so that recipes can be cooked abroad or to match dietary restrictions. One prime example is Simsimia’s Kitchen, one of the first of its kind which gained a lot of popularity, especially the rice flour and yogurt asida, which was a quick and accessible method of making the staple dish. Simsimia established her food blog in 2008 after she was encouraged on various forums that were popular at the time, to create a platform to recreate recipes by her late mother and help younger women access these recipes.
Another change to the online culture was the advent of social media, especially Facebook groups which still remains the most popular platform for Sudanese users. One of the largest groups is The Sudan Contemporary and Traditional Kitchen, a group that was started in May 2015 by Sudanese chefs and which gained popularity among mothers and now has over 1.5 million members. The platform is considered the largest Sudanese cookery platform, as members are encouraged to share recipes with details of all the steps and ingredients. The platform has a positive, supportive culture and all comments deemed degrading to skill or culture is prohibited. Even for my own work on this blog theme, this platform has been one of the key resources that I have used to learn about recipes but much importantly about culture. The discussion format allows many members to explain the cultural norms associated with the dish, the name they use for a specific dish and many aspects that spark discussion between the different members of the group about the recipe or dish.
Recently, even more social media influencers have started sharing food videos and content online using various platforms and in differing formats. For example, the account Habi Makes on Instagram, where the focus is on food photography which the owner started posting in 2017 and which developed into content showing recipes presented in an artistic way. Other content creators on TickTok or YouTube have also gained popularity for sharing short and easy to follow recipes, such as Ahmed Abdin, who has over 250k followers on TickTok alone. His short format videos of food content, which he started posting in early 2020, gained popularity very fast. In terms of the cultural aspect of food, platforms such as the Sudanese Kitchen page and website, have also started to appear and in terms of Sudanese Kitchen the owner is in the process of collecting all his materials in order to produce a book.
Finally an other resource is Mazaq khas magazine, a food focused online magazine.
Header picture © Yousif Alshikh, Khartoum، 2022
Al Fattah
Al Fattah
Panel and header illustrated by Shirouq Idris
Fattah is a communal dish where food is shared in order to increase the meal size and feed more people. It is made up of several components with the main element usually being a type of bread, or similar staples, that are broken or mashed up into smaller pieces. Making fattah is an affordable way for everyone to share what food they have, adding it to the contents of one bowl and eating it with a cheap and tasty chili condiment.
Bread loaves in Sudan vary according to the type of crops grown in the region, whether the dough is fermented and the method used to cook them whether in an oven or on a hot plate over a coal fire.
Wheat products
Wheat is mainly grown in northern and central Sudan, so we find most types of bread is made of wheat in these regions. Varieties include Nubian Bread such as the Argo, Dongola and Basawla bread which are loaves made in large disc shapes and baked in local ovens. The loaves are usually firm on the outside and soft on the inside, and have a lot of pulp due to the use of a type of yeast called Badra Aish. Local Bread, known as Baladi or Aish Tabouna is the most common type of bread in Sudan. It is also baked in large commercial ovens or at home. It is made of wholemeal, unhusked wheat flour. Fino Bread is a modern type of bread loaf that only recently became popular in Sudan. It is made of white flour or husked flour using modern machinery and commercial ovens.
Fattah of boiled flour, wad luba or dan waki (one by one) are balls of wheat flour dough, thrown into boiling water to cook and then eaten with a vegetarian food similar to sakhina described below..
Bread fattah
There are several different ways and recipes for eating baked bread fattah, most notably with meat stew or broth. This type is often eaten on big occasions such as weddings and religious events, and is also distributed as a karama; an offering for blessings. There are several ways to make the stew and sometimes rice and kisra may be added to the dish. Another meat fattah is made with chicken stew or broth. This is a more recent invention but looks similar to the meat fattah with the pieces of meat displayed on top of the pile of stew-soaked bread.
Ful, fava bean fattah or bosh, is a street food that is also a recent addition to the fattah repertoire. The water in which the ful has been boiled is added to the bread pieces and a variety of other things are added on top. These can be tamiya (falafel), white cheese, cooked lentils, salad, yogurt, and mish (a fermented soft cheese) and many others. The idea of fattah is to add what is available and, therefore, considered a cheap meal that is easy to make and share. There are several stories about the origin of the name, the first is that the word bosh means a gathering of people, the second is that the large plate, in which the fattah is made, was originally called bosh, while another story is that it was named after former US president George Bush senior.
Sakhina stew varies from one region to another and is made of vegetables, but mostly onions and tomatoes which are fried and to which water and large quantities of dakwa, or peanut butter, are added
Fattat Adas is made with lentil soup. This is by far the most popular type of fattah mostly because of its low cost but also because of the variety of other foods and condiments that can be added to it to make it tastier.
Uwasa
This is the process of making flat wheat-flour bread with the thickness varying from one place to another. In northern Sudan, it is usually spread, or flattened, over a hot plate and is made at home typically using wholemeal wheat flour but sometimes white flour is added to the dough mixture to help spread it on the hot plate particularly when making the thinner varieties.
Gurasa is also known as kabid or kabida, and it is the most well-known, and thickest type of flatbread produced in this way. The uwasa, baking, of gurasa is simple because the dough is easy to spread and it can be baked quickly. It is usually eaten with a basic stew made up of either tomato and meat, called mulah ahmar (red stew) or mulah akhdar (green stew), which is based on broth mixed with powdered dried okra or weka. Gurasa can also be eaten as a dessert with sugar and ghee, or yoghurt.
Gurasa recipes for fattah include kurdtad, a fattah of chickpeas or beans and jakasurid, a fattah of onions and oil.
Thinner types of gurasa include tabtab, sanasen, al-fateer, salab or salabiyya, and idweer. Methods and sizes of these loaves depend on where you are in northern Sudan but it is often mostly eaten with savoury dishes or stews that are denser in consistency. Stews eaten when making fattah with this type of gurasa include meat stews which are similar to those used in bread fattah. Fattah is eaten with stew on big occasions. Fattah with milk, or yogurt is usually consumed as a lighter meal at dinner. Mukhbaza is made from wheat bread that resembles gurasa and is often stuffed with bananas, or cut into small pieces and bananas and the rest of the ingredients are added to it.
Sorghum products
Sorghum is a rain-fed crop that is grown in many places in Sudan and as such, is the traditional food for many communities. Bread made with wheat flour only became popular when eating habits started to change around the mid-twentieth century. As sorghum does not contain gluten, it is cooked by spreading it onto a hotplate or made into porridge.
Thin sorghum flatbreads, also known as kisra, vary according to the amount of husk left in the flour and include the wad akr or fetarita varieties. White kisra is made out of sorghum that has had all the husk removed and is eaten more in areas of central Sudan. Kisra fetarita, where the husk is left in the sorghum flour, is mostly eaten in western Sudan. Another variety is the millet or red kisra. Kisra is eaten with different types of foods, such as the customary mulah and tabikh meat, chicken or vegetable stews depending on what is popular in each region. Fattah recipes with kisra include sakhina which is similar to that eaten with the bread fattah. Kisra with water is a light, cheap meal made up of kisra mashed up with spices and water or yoghurt.
Millet products
Millet is usually eaten whole or in the form of porridge. Sometimes flat breads are made from it in the form of kisra or gurasa and these can be cut into balls of dough that are boiled and eaten with milk or sugar in a similar way to fattah. Varieties include karako which is made of millet flour and eaten with milk or yogurt and sugar. Gadugaddu and gougar is made from husked millet flour, and is served as a drink or a meal.
Panel and header illustrated by Shirouq Idris
Fattah is a communal dish where food is shared in order to increase the meal size and feed more people. It is made up of several components with the main element usually being a type of bread, or similar staples, that are broken or mashed up into smaller pieces. Making fattah is an affordable way for everyone to share what food they have, adding it to the contents of one bowl and eating it with a cheap and tasty chili condiment.
Bread loaves in Sudan vary according to the type of crops grown in the region, whether the dough is fermented and the method used to cook them whether in an oven or on a hot plate over a coal fire.
Wheat products
Wheat is mainly grown in northern and central Sudan, so we find most types of bread is made of wheat in these regions. Varieties include Nubian Bread such as the Argo, Dongola and Basawla bread which are loaves made in large disc shapes and baked in local ovens. The loaves are usually firm on the outside and soft on the inside, and have a lot of pulp due to the use of a type of yeast called Badra Aish. Local Bread, known as Baladi or Aish Tabouna is the most common type of bread in Sudan. It is also baked in large commercial ovens or at home. It is made of wholemeal, unhusked wheat flour. Fino Bread is a modern type of bread loaf that only recently became popular in Sudan. It is made of white flour or husked flour using modern machinery and commercial ovens.
Fattah of boiled flour, wad luba or dan waki (one by one) are balls of wheat flour dough, thrown into boiling water to cook and then eaten with a vegetarian food similar to sakhina described below..
Bread fattah
There are several different ways and recipes for eating baked bread fattah, most notably with meat stew or broth. This type is often eaten on big occasions such as weddings and religious events, and is also distributed as a karama; an offering for blessings. There are several ways to make the stew and sometimes rice and kisra may be added to the dish. Another meat fattah is made with chicken stew or broth. This is a more recent invention but looks similar to the meat fattah with the pieces of meat displayed on top of the pile of stew-soaked bread.
Ful, fava bean fattah or bosh, is a street food that is also a recent addition to the fattah repertoire. The water in which the ful has been boiled is added to the bread pieces and a variety of other things are added on top. These can be tamiya (falafel), white cheese, cooked lentils, salad, yogurt, and mish (a fermented soft cheese) and many others. The idea of fattah is to add what is available and, therefore, considered a cheap meal that is easy to make and share. There are several stories about the origin of the name, the first is that the word bosh means a gathering of people, the second is that the large plate, in which the fattah is made, was originally called bosh, while another story is that it was named after former US president George Bush senior.
Sakhina stew varies from one region to another and is made of vegetables, but mostly onions and tomatoes which are fried and to which water and large quantities of dakwa, or peanut butter, are added
Fattat Adas is made with lentil soup. This is by far the most popular type of fattah mostly because of its low cost but also because of the variety of other foods and condiments that can be added to it to make it tastier.
Uwasa
This is the process of making flat wheat-flour bread with the thickness varying from one place to another. In northern Sudan, it is usually spread, or flattened, over a hot plate and is made at home typically using wholemeal wheat flour but sometimes white flour is added to the dough mixture to help spread it on the hot plate particularly when making the thinner varieties.
Gurasa is also known as kabid or kabida, and it is the most well-known, and thickest type of flatbread produced in this way. The uwasa, baking, of gurasa is simple because the dough is easy to spread and it can be baked quickly. It is usually eaten with a basic stew made up of either tomato and meat, called mulah ahmar (red stew) or mulah akhdar (green stew), which is based on broth mixed with powdered dried okra or weka. Gurasa can also be eaten as a dessert with sugar and ghee, or yoghurt.
Gurasa recipes for fattah include kurdtad, a fattah of chickpeas or beans and jakasurid, a fattah of onions and oil.
Thinner types of gurasa include tabtab, sanasen, al-fateer, salab or salabiyya, and idweer. Methods and sizes of these loaves depend on where you are in northern Sudan but it is often mostly eaten with savoury dishes or stews that are denser in consistency. Stews eaten when making fattah with this type of gurasa include meat stews which are similar to those used in bread fattah. Fattah is eaten with stew on big occasions. Fattah with milk, or yogurt is usually consumed as a lighter meal at dinner. Mukhbaza is made from wheat bread that resembles gurasa and is often stuffed with bananas, or cut into small pieces and bananas and the rest of the ingredients are added to it.
Sorghum products
Sorghum is a rain-fed crop that is grown in many places in Sudan and as such, is the traditional food for many communities. Bread made with wheat flour only became popular when eating habits started to change around the mid-twentieth century. As sorghum does not contain gluten, it is cooked by spreading it onto a hotplate or made into porridge.
Thin sorghum flatbreads, also known as kisra, vary according to the amount of husk left in the flour and include the wad akr or fetarita varieties. White kisra is made out of sorghum that has had all the husk removed and is eaten more in areas of central Sudan. Kisra fetarita, where the husk is left in the sorghum flour, is mostly eaten in western Sudan. Another variety is the millet or red kisra. Kisra is eaten with different types of foods, such as the customary mulah and tabikh meat, chicken or vegetable stews depending on what is popular in each region. Fattah recipes with kisra include sakhina which is similar to that eaten with the bread fattah. Kisra with water is a light, cheap meal made up of kisra mashed up with spices and water or yoghurt.
Millet products
Millet is usually eaten whole or in the form of porridge. Sometimes flat breads are made from it in the form of kisra or gurasa and these can be cut into balls of dough that are boiled and eaten with milk or sugar in a similar way to fattah. Varieties include karako which is made of millet flour and eaten with milk or yogurt and sugar. Gadugaddu and gougar is made from husked millet flour, and is served as a drink or a meal.
Panel and header illustrated by Shirouq Idris
Fattah is a communal dish where food is shared in order to increase the meal size and feed more people. It is made up of several components with the main element usually being a type of bread, or similar staples, that are broken or mashed up into smaller pieces. Making fattah is an affordable way for everyone to share what food they have, adding it to the contents of one bowl and eating it with a cheap and tasty chili condiment.
Bread loaves in Sudan vary according to the type of crops grown in the region, whether the dough is fermented and the method used to cook them whether in an oven or on a hot plate over a coal fire.
Wheat products
Wheat is mainly grown in northern and central Sudan, so we find most types of bread is made of wheat in these regions. Varieties include Nubian Bread such as the Argo, Dongola and Basawla bread which are loaves made in large disc shapes and baked in local ovens. The loaves are usually firm on the outside and soft on the inside, and have a lot of pulp due to the use of a type of yeast called Badra Aish. Local Bread, known as Baladi or Aish Tabouna is the most common type of bread in Sudan. It is also baked in large commercial ovens or at home. It is made of wholemeal, unhusked wheat flour. Fino Bread is a modern type of bread loaf that only recently became popular in Sudan. It is made of white flour or husked flour using modern machinery and commercial ovens.
Fattah of boiled flour, wad luba or dan waki (one by one) are balls of wheat flour dough, thrown into boiling water to cook and then eaten with a vegetarian food similar to sakhina described below..
Bread fattah
There are several different ways and recipes for eating baked bread fattah, most notably with meat stew or broth. This type is often eaten on big occasions such as weddings and religious events, and is also distributed as a karama; an offering for blessings. There are several ways to make the stew and sometimes rice and kisra may be added to the dish. Another meat fattah is made with chicken stew or broth. This is a more recent invention but looks similar to the meat fattah with the pieces of meat displayed on top of the pile of stew-soaked bread.
Ful, fava bean fattah or bosh, is a street food that is also a recent addition to the fattah repertoire. The water in which the ful has been boiled is added to the bread pieces and a variety of other things are added on top. These can be tamiya (falafel), white cheese, cooked lentils, salad, yogurt, and mish (a fermented soft cheese) and many others. The idea of fattah is to add what is available and, therefore, considered a cheap meal that is easy to make and share. There are several stories about the origin of the name, the first is that the word bosh means a gathering of people, the second is that the large plate, in which the fattah is made, was originally called bosh, while another story is that it was named after former US president George Bush senior.
Sakhina stew varies from one region to another and is made of vegetables, but mostly onions and tomatoes which are fried and to which water and large quantities of dakwa, or peanut butter, are added
Fattat Adas is made with lentil soup. This is by far the most popular type of fattah mostly because of its low cost but also because of the variety of other foods and condiments that can be added to it to make it tastier.
Uwasa
This is the process of making flat wheat-flour bread with the thickness varying from one place to another. In northern Sudan, it is usually spread, or flattened, over a hot plate and is made at home typically using wholemeal wheat flour but sometimes white flour is added to the dough mixture to help spread it on the hot plate particularly when making the thinner varieties.
Gurasa is also known as kabid or kabida, and it is the most well-known, and thickest type of flatbread produced in this way. The uwasa, baking, of gurasa is simple because the dough is easy to spread and it can be baked quickly. It is usually eaten with a basic stew made up of either tomato and meat, called mulah ahmar (red stew) or mulah akhdar (green stew), which is based on broth mixed with powdered dried okra or weka. Gurasa can also be eaten as a dessert with sugar and ghee, or yoghurt.
Gurasa recipes for fattah include kurdtad, a fattah of chickpeas or beans and jakasurid, a fattah of onions and oil.
Thinner types of gurasa include tabtab, sanasen, al-fateer, salab or salabiyya, and idweer. Methods and sizes of these loaves depend on where you are in northern Sudan but it is often mostly eaten with savoury dishes or stews that are denser in consistency. Stews eaten when making fattah with this type of gurasa include meat stews which are similar to those used in bread fattah. Fattah is eaten with stew on big occasions. Fattah with milk, or yogurt is usually consumed as a lighter meal at dinner. Mukhbaza is made from wheat bread that resembles gurasa and is often stuffed with bananas, or cut into small pieces and bananas and the rest of the ingredients are added to it.
Sorghum products
Sorghum is a rain-fed crop that is grown in many places in Sudan and as such, is the traditional food for many communities. Bread made with wheat flour only became popular when eating habits started to change around the mid-twentieth century. As sorghum does not contain gluten, it is cooked by spreading it onto a hotplate or made into porridge.
Thin sorghum flatbreads, also known as kisra, vary according to the amount of husk left in the flour and include the wad akr or fetarita varieties. White kisra is made out of sorghum that has had all the husk removed and is eaten more in areas of central Sudan. Kisra fetarita, where the husk is left in the sorghum flour, is mostly eaten in western Sudan. Another variety is the millet or red kisra. Kisra is eaten with different types of foods, such as the customary mulah and tabikh meat, chicken or vegetable stews depending on what is popular in each region. Fattah recipes with kisra include sakhina which is similar to that eaten with the bread fattah. Kisra with water is a light, cheap meal made up of kisra mashed up with spices and water or yoghurt.
Millet products
Millet is usually eaten whole or in the form of porridge. Sometimes flat breads are made from it in the form of kisra or gurasa and these can be cut into balls of dough that are boiled and eaten with milk or sugar in a similar way to fattah. Varieties include karako which is made of millet flour and eaten with milk or yogurt and sugar. Gadugaddu and gougar is made from husked millet flour, and is served as a drink or a meal.
Discussion on the urban and rural through tea
Discussion on the urban and rural through tea
In this interview between Khalid Musab Shamboul and Zainab O M Gaafar on the topic of tea and milk, how this drink and its related cultural practices can be used to understand the urban and rural relationships and the dynamics of change in city life.
Dr. Khalid is an Environmentalist with 20 years of progressive professional experience in Environment and Climate Change in Sudan with advanced expertise in community based Environmental management. Experience in developing and conducting national /international communicational reports and assessment, managing and coordinating projects and providing technical advisory services to different Agencies in strategic and programme planning and capacity development in adaptation to climate change, water and sanitation, and environmental management. Currently Khalid is Technical Advisor for the Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage, providing expertise on environment and culture.
Zainab is an architect, researcher, and designer. She is the founder of Studio Urban, an experimental research studio based in Khartoum. Zainab and Studio Urban have a keen interest in urban studies, their intersection with culture, and the accessibility of knowledge related to the city, including its history, development, and policies. The studio develops media and podcasts and uses community engagement tools in it;s research practices. Currently, Zainab is the lead designer for Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage. As part of her work, she endeavours to address questions related to the role of museums in times of conflict and what it means to safeguard heritage outside of such institutions.
The intro song from Hambareed, composed by Nile
Header picture : Almigdad osman, Gezira
In this interview between Khalid Musab Shamboul and Zainab O M Gaafar on the topic of tea and milk, how this drink and its related cultural practices can be used to understand the urban and rural relationships and the dynamics of change in city life.
Dr. Khalid is an Environmentalist with 20 years of progressive professional experience in Environment and Climate Change in Sudan with advanced expertise in community based Environmental management. Experience in developing and conducting national /international communicational reports and assessment, managing and coordinating projects and providing technical advisory services to different Agencies in strategic and programme planning and capacity development in adaptation to climate change, water and sanitation, and environmental management. Currently Khalid is Technical Advisor for the Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage, providing expertise on environment and culture.
Zainab is an architect, researcher, and designer. She is the founder of Studio Urban, an experimental research studio based in Khartoum. Zainab and Studio Urban have a keen interest in urban studies, their intersection with culture, and the accessibility of knowledge related to the city, including its history, development, and policies. The studio develops media and podcasts and uses community engagement tools in it;s research practices. Currently, Zainab is the lead designer for Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage. As part of her work, she endeavours to address questions related to the role of museums in times of conflict and what it means to safeguard heritage outside of such institutions.
The intro song from Hambareed, composed by Nile
Header picture : Almigdad osman, Gezira
In this interview between Khalid Musab Shamboul and Zainab O M Gaafar on the topic of tea and milk, how this drink and its related cultural practices can be used to understand the urban and rural relationships and the dynamics of change in city life.
Dr. Khalid is an Environmentalist with 20 years of progressive professional experience in Environment and Climate Change in Sudan with advanced expertise in community based Environmental management. Experience in developing and conducting national /international communicational reports and assessment, managing and coordinating projects and providing technical advisory services to different Agencies in strategic and programme planning and capacity development in adaptation to climate change, water and sanitation, and environmental management. Currently Khalid is Technical Advisor for the Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage, providing expertise on environment and culture.
Zainab is an architect, researcher, and designer. She is the founder of Studio Urban, an experimental research studio based in Khartoum. Zainab and Studio Urban have a keen interest in urban studies, their intersection with culture, and the accessibility of knowledge related to the city, including its history, development, and policies. The studio develops media and podcasts and uses community engagement tools in it;s research practices. Currently, Zainab is the lead designer for Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage. As part of her work, she endeavours to address questions related to the role of museums in times of conflict and what it means to safeguard heritage outside of such institutions.
The intro song from Hambareed, composed by Nile
Header picture : Almigdad osman, Gezira
Can you guess the tool?
Can you guess the tool?
Community Food: A Taste of Togetherness in Sudan
Community Food: A Taste of Togetherness in Sudan
Food in Sudan goes far beyond sustenance; it is a profound social connector that unites communities and fosters a sense of belonging. Mealtime is a communal experience, where sharing a plate symbolizes equality and inclusivity, breaking down socioeconomic barriers. These gatherings serve as spaces for storytelling, laughter, and mutual support, embodying values of hospitality and solidarity. Food rituals mark life’s milestones—celebrations, religious observances, and even mourning—reinforcing social bonds and collective identity. By involving all generations in preparation and sharing, Sudanese food traditions ensure that cultural values like unity, generosity, and shared responsibility are passed down and cherished.
In Sudanese culture, mealtime is rarely a solitary activity. Whether it’s a festive celebration, a religious observance, or an ordinary evening, sharing food with others is seen as a symbol of unity and mutual support. The practice of gathering around a communal tray, where dishes are served and eaten by hand, embodies the importance of togetherness. This tradition has deep roots and fosters a sense of community, breaking down barriers and reinforcing the importance of social bonds.
Hospitality is central to Sudanese culture. Guests—whether expected or not—are always welcomed with food, reinforcing the idea that sharing meals is a fundamental way to build relationships and strengthen communal ties. This sense of hospitality extends beyond the home. Large communal feasts are often held to celebrate major life events such as weddings, funerals, and the harvest season, further solidifying the collective spirit.
Al-Dara: A Pillar of Sudanese Communal Life
One of the most enduring symbols of communal food culture in Sudan is the ‘Al-Dara,’ a gathering space primarily found in rural areas, especially in western Sudan. Al-Dara is a welcoming space under the shade of a tree, where men—residents, guests, and passersby alike—convene to share meals. Each household contributes to Al-Dara, whether by serving tea in the morning, preparing meals in the evening, or ensuring the space remains a place of communal gathering.
Al-Dara reflects the deep-rooted traditions of responsibility and collective well-being. In regions like Kordofan and southern Al-Ubayyid, Al-Dara serves as more than a dining space—it becomes a social institution where generations come together. Elders sit in chairs and on angareb (traditional wooden beds), while younger men gather on mats, with children assisting in roles such as pouring water to wash the elders’ hands or serving food. This hierarchy instills respect for elders and ensures everyone has a role to play in maintaining the communal order.
Al-Dara is not only a place for meals but also a forum for resolving conflicts, discussing community matters, and reinforcing the values of respect, dialogue, and accountability. It is considered improper for young men to eat at home during these gatherings; instead, they are expected to join the community, even if they have other responsibilities. This practice strengthens communal bonds and ensures that everyone, regardless of their circumstances, contributes to the well-being of the community.
Beyond providing nutrition, Al-Dara acts as a space for community dialogue and decision-making. Elders’ opinions carry weight, and their guidance is respected. The structured seating arrangement ensures respect for elders, while younger members participate in discussions. Guests and visitors are always prioritized, reinforcing the values of hospitality and care.
This communal approach not only strengthens social ties but also ensures that the wisdom of older generations is passed down while younger members are given a platform to contribute. In a society that values interconnectedness, Al-Dara remains an essential part of the social and cultural fabric.
Fattah: A Dish of Togetherness
‘Fattah’ is a cherished communal dish in Sudan that embodies the values of sharing, creativity, and resourcefulness and is deeply rooted in social traditions. Central to the dish is the act of gathering people around a shared meal, breaking bread or other staples into smaller pieces, and combining these with other types of foods and stews to create something greater than the sum of its parts. This practice reflects the importance of togetherness and mutual support in Sudanese culture, making fattah a staple at both everyday gatherings and special occasions.
Widely practiced across Sudan, fattah transcends social and economic boundaries, as people share their food in one bowl without distinguishing who contributed what. This tradition evens the ground between individuals, removing any sense of embarrassment or disparity, and ensuring that everyone eats the same quality of food. It is a unifying act that fosters equality and community spirit. Whether in schools, workplaces, markets, or among children playing in neighborhoods, fattah serves as a reminder of the collective nature of Sudanese life.
More than just a meal, fattah is a social experience that strengthens connections. Its presence at weddings, religious celebrations, or as ‘karama’—an offering for blessings—underscores its role in reinforcing community bonds. Each version of fattah tells a story of adaptation and inclusivity, often shaped by local traditions and whatever ingredients are available. For example, the casual street food version known as ‘bosh’ (broken up loaves of bread soaked in in the stew of fava beans) is not only a budget-friendly dish but a symbol of ingenuity, with its origins tied to communal eating and shared experiences.
Fattah's enduring appeal lies in its ability to bring people together, whether through its traditional forms at major events or its modern, informal variations enjoyed on the streets. It stands as a testament to the values of community, equality, and the joy of sharing food—a true reflection of Sudanese social life.
Al-Takiya: A Tradition of Hospitality and Resilience
The concept of ‘Al-Takiya’, or communal kitchen, further exemplifies Sudan’s enduring culture of hospitality and shared responsibility. Traditionally, these establishments were founded by Sufi sheikhs who provided free meals to travellers, the poor, and those in need. These institutions evolved into community centers where food was shared not just to feed, but to foster goodwill and resilience.
In modern times, the Takiya has taken on a new role, especially in war-affected and besieged areas of Sudan. Women have organized community kitchens where each household contributes whatever they can—be it food, supplies, or labour. These grassroots initiatives have become critical in times of crisis, particularly when external humanitarian aid has failed to reach affected communities.
The ongoing conflict in Sudan has created a dire need for food security, particularly in areas where international aid has been obstructed by warring factions. In these circumstances, the Takiya has emerged as a sustainable, community-driven solution. Humanitarian organizations are urged to shift their focus towards supporting these grassroots efforts, which provide food security more effectively than traditional aid distribution methods.
The Takiya model represents resilience and self-reliance, demonstrating that communities are often best equipped to address their own needs. These communal kitchens have proven to be a beacon of hope during times of instability, ensuring that no one is left behind.
The history of Al-Takiya goes back to the Ottoman era, where they were associated with places of worship that provided food and shelter. Today, this form of mutual aid remains essential in modern Sudanese society, especially during times of conflict and displacement.
‘Orphaned Friday’ and Rahmatat: A Tradition of Giving Back
Another significant food tradition in Sudan is the practice of ‘asha al-maytin’ or ‘dinner for the deceased’, observed during the final days of Ramadan. Families prepare large meals, often featuring meat or ‘balila’ (a dish made from grains), which are shared with those less fortunate. The ritual varies by region, sometimes observed on Orphaned Friday (the last Friday of Ramadan) or on the final Thursday of the Ramadan.
This tradition is deeply rooted in Islamic principles, emphasizing the importance of charity and community. It symbolizes not only a shared meal among the living but also an act of remembrance and connection with the dead. The ‘walima’ (feast) of ‘asha al-rahmatat’ reflects the belief in offering blessings to deceased loved ones through acts of generosity and communal solidarity. Sharing food with others during this time is considered a way to honour the memory of the departed while fostering unity and goodwill among the living.
Children often take part in these gatherings, roaming the streets to sing chants and distribute food from house to house. These acts of generosity highlight the intergenerational transmission of values and ensure that the spirit of giving continues to flourish within the community.
In Sudan, food traditions like Al-Dara and Takiya are not just customs—they are pillars of social solidarity. Whether through community kitchens, feasts, or gatherings like Orphaned Friday, the act of sharing food has sustained communities through times of joy, remembrance, and hardship. All these forms of communal eating demonstrate how Sudanese food culture continues to embody the values of generosity, unity, and resilience. These traditions ensure that the collective spirit remains alive, connecting the past with the present, the living with the departed in times of peace and times of adversity.
Cover picture: A woman selling traditional food near the Gedaref market © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Food in Sudan goes far beyond sustenance; it is a profound social connector that unites communities and fosters a sense of belonging. Mealtime is a communal experience, where sharing a plate symbolizes equality and inclusivity, breaking down socioeconomic barriers. These gatherings serve as spaces for storytelling, laughter, and mutual support, embodying values of hospitality and solidarity. Food rituals mark life’s milestones—celebrations, religious observances, and even mourning—reinforcing social bonds and collective identity. By involving all generations in preparation and sharing, Sudanese food traditions ensure that cultural values like unity, generosity, and shared responsibility are passed down and cherished.
In Sudanese culture, mealtime is rarely a solitary activity. Whether it’s a festive celebration, a religious observance, or an ordinary evening, sharing food with others is seen as a symbol of unity and mutual support. The practice of gathering around a communal tray, where dishes are served and eaten by hand, embodies the importance of togetherness. This tradition has deep roots and fosters a sense of community, breaking down barriers and reinforcing the importance of social bonds.
Hospitality is central to Sudanese culture. Guests—whether expected or not—are always welcomed with food, reinforcing the idea that sharing meals is a fundamental way to build relationships and strengthen communal ties. This sense of hospitality extends beyond the home. Large communal feasts are often held to celebrate major life events such as weddings, funerals, and the harvest season, further solidifying the collective spirit.
Al-Dara: A Pillar of Sudanese Communal Life
One of the most enduring symbols of communal food culture in Sudan is the ‘Al-Dara,’ a gathering space primarily found in rural areas, especially in western Sudan. Al-Dara is a welcoming space under the shade of a tree, where men—residents, guests, and passersby alike—convene to share meals. Each household contributes to Al-Dara, whether by serving tea in the morning, preparing meals in the evening, or ensuring the space remains a place of communal gathering.
Al-Dara reflects the deep-rooted traditions of responsibility and collective well-being. In regions like Kordofan and southern Al-Ubayyid, Al-Dara serves as more than a dining space—it becomes a social institution where generations come together. Elders sit in chairs and on angareb (traditional wooden beds), while younger men gather on mats, with children assisting in roles such as pouring water to wash the elders’ hands or serving food. This hierarchy instills respect for elders and ensures everyone has a role to play in maintaining the communal order.
Al-Dara is not only a place for meals but also a forum for resolving conflicts, discussing community matters, and reinforcing the values of respect, dialogue, and accountability. It is considered improper for young men to eat at home during these gatherings; instead, they are expected to join the community, even if they have other responsibilities. This practice strengthens communal bonds and ensures that everyone, regardless of their circumstances, contributes to the well-being of the community.
Beyond providing nutrition, Al-Dara acts as a space for community dialogue and decision-making. Elders’ opinions carry weight, and their guidance is respected. The structured seating arrangement ensures respect for elders, while younger members participate in discussions. Guests and visitors are always prioritized, reinforcing the values of hospitality and care.
This communal approach not only strengthens social ties but also ensures that the wisdom of older generations is passed down while younger members are given a platform to contribute. In a society that values interconnectedness, Al-Dara remains an essential part of the social and cultural fabric.
Fattah: A Dish of Togetherness
‘Fattah’ is a cherished communal dish in Sudan that embodies the values of sharing, creativity, and resourcefulness and is deeply rooted in social traditions. Central to the dish is the act of gathering people around a shared meal, breaking bread or other staples into smaller pieces, and combining these with other types of foods and stews to create something greater than the sum of its parts. This practice reflects the importance of togetherness and mutual support in Sudanese culture, making fattah a staple at both everyday gatherings and special occasions.
Widely practiced across Sudan, fattah transcends social and economic boundaries, as people share their food in one bowl without distinguishing who contributed what. This tradition evens the ground between individuals, removing any sense of embarrassment or disparity, and ensuring that everyone eats the same quality of food. It is a unifying act that fosters equality and community spirit. Whether in schools, workplaces, markets, or among children playing in neighborhoods, fattah serves as a reminder of the collective nature of Sudanese life.
More than just a meal, fattah is a social experience that strengthens connections. Its presence at weddings, religious celebrations, or as ‘karama’—an offering for blessings—underscores its role in reinforcing community bonds. Each version of fattah tells a story of adaptation and inclusivity, often shaped by local traditions and whatever ingredients are available. For example, the casual street food version known as ‘bosh’ (broken up loaves of bread soaked in in the stew of fava beans) is not only a budget-friendly dish but a symbol of ingenuity, with its origins tied to communal eating and shared experiences.
Fattah's enduring appeal lies in its ability to bring people together, whether through its traditional forms at major events or its modern, informal variations enjoyed on the streets. It stands as a testament to the values of community, equality, and the joy of sharing food—a true reflection of Sudanese social life.
Al-Takiya: A Tradition of Hospitality and Resilience
The concept of ‘Al-Takiya’, or communal kitchen, further exemplifies Sudan’s enduring culture of hospitality and shared responsibility. Traditionally, these establishments were founded by Sufi sheikhs who provided free meals to travellers, the poor, and those in need. These institutions evolved into community centers where food was shared not just to feed, but to foster goodwill and resilience.
In modern times, the Takiya has taken on a new role, especially in war-affected and besieged areas of Sudan. Women have organized community kitchens where each household contributes whatever they can—be it food, supplies, or labour. These grassroots initiatives have become critical in times of crisis, particularly when external humanitarian aid has failed to reach affected communities.
The ongoing conflict in Sudan has created a dire need for food security, particularly in areas where international aid has been obstructed by warring factions. In these circumstances, the Takiya has emerged as a sustainable, community-driven solution. Humanitarian organizations are urged to shift their focus towards supporting these grassroots efforts, which provide food security more effectively than traditional aid distribution methods.
The Takiya model represents resilience and self-reliance, demonstrating that communities are often best equipped to address their own needs. These communal kitchens have proven to be a beacon of hope during times of instability, ensuring that no one is left behind.
The history of Al-Takiya goes back to the Ottoman era, where they were associated with places of worship that provided food and shelter. Today, this form of mutual aid remains essential in modern Sudanese society, especially during times of conflict and displacement.
‘Orphaned Friday’ and Rahmatat: A Tradition of Giving Back
Another significant food tradition in Sudan is the practice of ‘asha al-maytin’ or ‘dinner for the deceased’, observed during the final days of Ramadan. Families prepare large meals, often featuring meat or ‘balila’ (a dish made from grains), which are shared with those less fortunate. The ritual varies by region, sometimes observed on Orphaned Friday (the last Friday of Ramadan) or on the final Thursday of the Ramadan.
This tradition is deeply rooted in Islamic principles, emphasizing the importance of charity and community. It symbolizes not only a shared meal among the living but also an act of remembrance and connection with the dead. The ‘walima’ (feast) of ‘asha al-rahmatat’ reflects the belief in offering blessings to deceased loved ones through acts of generosity and communal solidarity. Sharing food with others during this time is considered a way to honour the memory of the departed while fostering unity and goodwill among the living.
Children often take part in these gatherings, roaming the streets to sing chants and distribute food from house to house. These acts of generosity highlight the intergenerational transmission of values and ensure that the spirit of giving continues to flourish within the community.
In Sudan, food traditions like Al-Dara and Takiya are not just customs—they are pillars of social solidarity. Whether through community kitchens, feasts, or gatherings like Orphaned Friday, the act of sharing food has sustained communities through times of joy, remembrance, and hardship. All these forms of communal eating demonstrate how Sudanese food culture continues to embody the values of generosity, unity, and resilience. These traditions ensure that the collective spirit remains alive, connecting the past with the present, the living with the departed in times of peace and times of adversity.
Cover picture: A woman selling traditional food near the Gedaref market © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Food in Sudan goes far beyond sustenance; it is a profound social connector that unites communities and fosters a sense of belonging. Mealtime is a communal experience, where sharing a plate symbolizes equality and inclusivity, breaking down socioeconomic barriers. These gatherings serve as spaces for storytelling, laughter, and mutual support, embodying values of hospitality and solidarity. Food rituals mark life’s milestones—celebrations, religious observances, and even mourning—reinforcing social bonds and collective identity. By involving all generations in preparation and sharing, Sudanese food traditions ensure that cultural values like unity, generosity, and shared responsibility are passed down and cherished.
In Sudanese culture, mealtime is rarely a solitary activity. Whether it’s a festive celebration, a religious observance, or an ordinary evening, sharing food with others is seen as a symbol of unity and mutual support. The practice of gathering around a communal tray, where dishes are served and eaten by hand, embodies the importance of togetherness. This tradition has deep roots and fosters a sense of community, breaking down barriers and reinforcing the importance of social bonds.
Hospitality is central to Sudanese culture. Guests—whether expected or not—are always welcomed with food, reinforcing the idea that sharing meals is a fundamental way to build relationships and strengthen communal ties. This sense of hospitality extends beyond the home. Large communal feasts are often held to celebrate major life events such as weddings, funerals, and the harvest season, further solidifying the collective spirit.
Al-Dara: A Pillar of Sudanese Communal Life
One of the most enduring symbols of communal food culture in Sudan is the ‘Al-Dara,’ a gathering space primarily found in rural areas, especially in western Sudan. Al-Dara is a welcoming space under the shade of a tree, where men—residents, guests, and passersby alike—convene to share meals. Each household contributes to Al-Dara, whether by serving tea in the morning, preparing meals in the evening, or ensuring the space remains a place of communal gathering.
Al-Dara reflects the deep-rooted traditions of responsibility and collective well-being. In regions like Kordofan and southern Al-Ubayyid, Al-Dara serves as more than a dining space—it becomes a social institution where generations come together. Elders sit in chairs and on angareb (traditional wooden beds), while younger men gather on mats, with children assisting in roles such as pouring water to wash the elders’ hands or serving food. This hierarchy instills respect for elders and ensures everyone has a role to play in maintaining the communal order.
Al-Dara is not only a place for meals but also a forum for resolving conflicts, discussing community matters, and reinforcing the values of respect, dialogue, and accountability. It is considered improper for young men to eat at home during these gatherings; instead, they are expected to join the community, even if they have other responsibilities. This practice strengthens communal bonds and ensures that everyone, regardless of their circumstances, contributes to the well-being of the community.
Beyond providing nutrition, Al-Dara acts as a space for community dialogue and decision-making. Elders’ opinions carry weight, and their guidance is respected. The structured seating arrangement ensures respect for elders, while younger members participate in discussions. Guests and visitors are always prioritized, reinforcing the values of hospitality and care.
This communal approach not only strengthens social ties but also ensures that the wisdom of older generations is passed down while younger members are given a platform to contribute. In a society that values interconnectedness, Al-Dara remains an essential part of the social and cultural fabric.
Fattah: A Dish of Togetherness
‘Fattah’ is a cherished communal dish in Sudan that embodies the values of sharing, creativity, and resourcefulness and is deeply rooted in social traditions. Central to the dish is the act of gathering people around a shared meal, breaking bread or other staples into smaller pieces, and combining these with other types of foods and stews to create something greater than the sum of its parts. This practice reflects the importance of togetherness and mutual support in Sudanese culture, making fattah a staple at both everyday gatherings and special occasions.
Widely practiced across Sudan, fattah transcends social and economic boundaries, as people share their food in one bowl without distinguishing who contributed what. This tradition evens the ground between individuals, removing any sense of embarrassment or disparity, and ensuring that everyone eats the same quality of food. It is a unifying act that fosters equality and community spirit. Whether in schools, workplaces, markets, or among children playing in neighborhoods, fattah serves as a reminder of the collective nature of Sudanese life.
More than just a meal, fattah is a social experience that strengthens connections. Its presence at weddings, religious celebrations, or as ‘karama’—an offering for blessings—underscores its role in reinforcing community bonds. Each version of fattah tells a story of adaptation and inclusivity, often shaped by local traditions and whatever ingredients are available. For example, the casual street food version known as ‘bosh’ (broken up loaves of bread soaked in in the stew of fava beans) is not only a budget-friendly dish but a symbol of ingenuity, with its origins tied to communal eating and shared experiences.
Fattah's enduring appeal lies in its ability to bring people together, whether through its traditional forms at major events or its modern, informal variations enjoyed on the streets. It stands as a testament to the values of community, equality, and the joy of sharing food—a true reflection of Sudanese social life.
Al-Takiya: A Tradition of Hospitality and Resilience
The concept of ‘Al-Takiya’, or communal kitchen, further exemplifies Sudan’s enduring culture of hospitality and shared responsibility. Traditionally, these establishments were founded by Sufi sheikhs who provided free meals to travellers, the poor, and those in need. These institutions evolved into community centers where food was shared not just to feed, but to foster goodwill and resilience.
In modern times, the Takiya has taken on a new role, especially in war-affected and besieged areas of Sudan. Women have organized community kitchens where each household contributes whatever they can—be it food, supplies, or labour. These grassroots initiatives have become critical in times of crisis, particularly when external humanitarian aid has failed to reach affected communities.
The ongoing conflict in Sudan has created a dire need for food security, particularly in areas where international aid has been obstructed by warring factions. In these circumstances, the Takiya has emerged as a sustainable, community-driven solution. Humanitarian organizations are urged to shift their focus towards supporting these grassroots efforts, which provide food security more effectively than traditional aid distribution methods.
The Takiya model represents resilience and self-reliance, demonstrating that communities are often best equipped to address their own needs. These communal kitchens have proven to be a beacon of hope during times of instability, ensuring that no one is left behind.
The history of Al-Takiya goes back to the Ottoman era, where they were associated with places of worship that provided food and shelter. Today, this form of mutual aid remains essential in modern Sudanese society, especially during times of conflict and displacement.
‘Orphaned Friday’ and Rahmatat: A Tradition of Giving Back
Another significant food tradition in Sudan is the practice of ‘asha al-maytin’ or ‘dinner for the deceased’, observed during the final days of Ramadan. Families prepare large meals, often featuring meat or ‘balila’ (a dish made from grains), which are shared with those less fortunate. The ritual varies by region, sometimes observed on Orphaned Friday (the last Friday of Ramadan) or on the final Thursday of the Ramadan.
This tradition is deeply rooted in Islamic principles, emphasizing the importance of charity and community. It symbolizes not only a shared meal among the living but also an act of remembrance and connection with the dead. The ‘walima’ (feast) of ‘asha al-rahmatat’ reflects the belief in offering blessings to deceased loved ones through acts of generosity and communal solidarity. Sharing food with others during this time is considered a way to honour the memory of the departed while fostering unity and goodwill among the living.
Children often take part in these gatherings, roaming the streets to sing chants and distribute food from house to house. These acts of generosity highlight the intergenerational transmission of values and ensure that the spirit of giving continues to flourish within the community.
In Sudan, food traditions like Al-Dara and Takiya are not just customs—they are pillars of social solidarity. Whether through community kitchens, feasts, or gatherings like Orphaned Friday, the act of sharing food has sustained communities through times of joy, remembrance, and hardship. All these forms of communal eating demonstrate how Sudanese food culture continues to embody the values of generosity, unity, and resilience. These traditions ensure that the collective spirit remains alive, connecting the past with the present, the living with the departed in times of peace and times of adversity.
Cover picture: A woman selling traditional food near the Gedaref market © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Asida
Asida
Asha Ali Mohamed Nour prepares Asida in Darfur, a traditional Sudanese dish.
Asida or Lugma is a firm, porridge-like staple food people around Sudan eat with various types of Mulah or stews.
This film was made by Mark Watmore and Yoho media.
Ingredients:
Asida
Water
Flour - sorghum or millet
Khammar (fermented dough)
Ghee
Mulah Alroub (dairy-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water
Sour yoghurt (Rawb)
Tomato paste
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
Mulah Tagaliya (meat-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground-dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water and Tomato paste or fresh tomatoes blended
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
⎯
Cover picture © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Asha Ali Mohamed Nour prepares Asida in Darfur, a traditional Sudanese dish.
Asida or Lugma is a firm, porridge-like staple food people around Sudan eat with various types of Mulah or stews.
This film was made by Mark Watmore and Yoho media.
Ingredients:
Asida
Water
Flour - sorghum or millet
Khammar (fermented dough)
Ghee
Mulah Alroub (dairy-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water
Sour yoghurt (Rawb)
Tomato paste
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
Mulah Tagaliya (meat-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground-dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water and Tomato paste or fresh tomatoes blended
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
⎯
Cover picture © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Asha Ali Mohamed Nour prepares Asida in Darfur, a traditional Sudanese dish.
Asida or Lugma is a firm, porridge-like staple food people around Sudan eat with various types of Mulah or stews.
This film was made by Mark Watmore and Yoho media.
Ingredients:
Asida
Water
Flour - sorghum or millet
Khammar (fermented dough)
Ghee
Mulah Alroub (dairy-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water
Sour yoghurt (Rawb)
Tomato paste
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
Mulah Tagaliya (meat-based stew)
Chopped onions
Ground-dried beef meat (Sharmout)
Salt
Pepper
Cooking oil
Water and Tomato paste or fresh tomatoes blended
Garlic
Sudanese spice mix
Dried Okra (Waika)
⎯
Cover picture © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Guess the tool
Guess the tool
The train menu
The train menu
Food-on-the-move is an interesting concept that may be considered from a variety of angles. Traditionally, preserved food has been a key component of cooking in Sudan, to keep from being spoiled by the hot temperature and the lengthy periods of time between harvests. In this way, food was made to last longer. Being on the move is also an important part of many Sudanese cultures, for example for the traders criss-crossing the country or for nomadic tribes who regularly move from one location to another but also for those who were formerly nomads but have now settled. These settled groups have developed new methods of preserving food such as fermentation which is not common among the nomadic tribes who consider this type of food to be processed or industrialized.
In Sudan there are specific dishes that are associated with travel, such as gurasat al-balah known mostly in northern Sudan and which is a flat, bread-like loaf made out of dates and is easy to pack with the date sugar providing much needed energy and sustenance. In western Sudan, another energy-packed food for travel is damasoro or khamis tawiera, which combines sesame seeds, peanuts, ghee and kisra or sorghum flatbread, dried dates and spices. The mixture is then made into a coarse powder which is consumed dry or with milk or water.
Milk products such as sour milk or roub is a travel food known more among nomads and garis is when different herbs, such as nigella seeds, are added to preserve it. Ghubasha and fursa are other variations of milk drinks. In Sudan, meat is processed in three different ways in order for it to be taken on a journey: lahma nashfa or dried meat, is a meat that is slowly cooked over a long period of time until it dries out, a similar process is carried out with fat and rind and is known as rabeet. Meat can also be dried naturally in the sun and can be either small strips of meat called sharmout, which is later pound into a powder format and used to make stews, or shugag, a specific joint of meat from smaller or wild animals, cut lengthwise into four, six or eight parts and dried together. Finally, meat can also be salted.
A recent method of transporting food, now that travel is faster and safer, is to prepare sandwiches, especially of ful or fava beans, boiled eggs and tamia or falafel. This trio of favourites is very popular in everyday settings and can sometimes even be mashed together in one dish. During times when trains were fully operational in Sudan, food-on-the-move was associated with restaurant carriages, serving mainly western menus for breakfast, lunch, dinner and tea. They were also known for having their own packaged items for consumption such as flavored lemonade. A menu of food offered on the El-Obeid line when it was opened was recently shared on social media platforms. Written in French, the list contained dishes such as caviar and needless to say, this was not meant for everyone!
Service consisted of the famous white porcelain dishes with a green rim which, for first and second class passengers, would be delivered to your room or in the restaurant carriage. Today, the few trains that do operate do not offer catering and the simple sandwich has taken its place and can be bought in bustling stations amongst the hubbub of shouting vendors and cries of those coming say goodbye to their loved ones.
Header picture and Gallery pictures © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Food-on-the-move is an interesting concept that may be considered from a variety of angles. Traditionally, preserved food has been a key component of cooking in Sudan, to keep from being spoiled by the hot temperature and the lengthy periods of time between harvests. In this way, food was made to last longer. Being on the move is also an important part of many Sudanese cultures, for example for the traders criss-crossing the country or for nomadic tribes who regularly move from one location to another but also for those who were formerly nomads but have now settled. These settled groups have developed new methods of preserving food such as fermentation which is not common among the nomadic tribes who consider this type of food to be processed or industrialized.
In Sudan there are specific dishes that are associated with travel, such as gurasat al-balah known mostly in northern Sudan and which is a flat, bread-like loaf made out of dates and is easy to pack with the date sugar providing much needed energy and sustenance. In western Sudan, another energy-packed food for travel is damasoro or khamis tawiera, which combines sesame seeds, peanuts, ghee and kisra or sorghum flatbread, dried dates and spices. The mixture is then made into a coarse powder which is consumed dry or with milk or water.
Milk products such as sour milk or roub is a travel food known more among nomads and garis is when different herbs, such as nigella seeds, are added to preserve it. Ghubasha and fursa are other variations of milk drinks. In Sudan, meat is processed in three different ways in order for it to be taken on a journey: lahma nashfa or dried meat, is a meat that is slowly cooked over a long period of time until it dries out, a similar process is carried out with fat and rind and is known as rabeet. Meat can also be dried naturally in the sun and can be either small strips of meat called sharmout, which is later pound into a powder format and used to make stews, or shugag, a specific joint of meat from smaller or wild animals, cut lengthwise into four, six or eight parts and dried together. Finally, meat can also be salted.
A recent method of transporting food, now that travel is faster and safer, is to prepare sandwiches, especially of ful or fava beans, boiled eggs and tamia or falafel. This trio of favourites is very popular in everyday settings and can sometimes even be mashed together in one dish. During times when trains were fully operational in Sudan, food-on-the-move was associated with restaurant carriages, serving mainly western menus for breakfast, lunch, dinner and tea. They were also known for having their own packaged items for consumption such as flavored lemonade. A menu of food offered on the El-Obeid line when it was opened was recently shared on social media platforms. Written in French, the list contained dishes such as caviar and needless to say, this was not meant for everyone!
Service consisted of the famous white porcelain dishes with a green rim which, for first and second class passengers, would be delivered to your room or in the restaurant carriage. Today, the few trains that do operate do not offer catering and the simple sandwich has taken its place and can be bought in bustling stations amongst the hubbub of shouting vendors and cries of those coming say goodbye to their loved ones.
Header picture and Gallery pictures © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Food-on-the-move is an interesting concept that may be considered from a variety of angles. Traditionally, preserved food has been a key component of cooking in Sudan, to keep from being spoiled by the hot temperature and the lengthy periods of time between harvests. In this way, food was made to last longer. Being on the move is also an important part of many Sudanese cultures, for example for the traders criss-crossing the country or for nomadic tribes who regularly move from one location to another but also for those who were formerly nomads but have now settled. These settled groups have developed new methods of preserving food such as fermentation which is not common among the nomadic tribes who consider this type of food to be processed or industrialized.
In Sudan there are specific dishes that are associated with travel, such as gurasat al-balah known mostly in northern Sudan and which is a flat, bread-like loaf made out of dates and is easy to pack with the date sugar providing much needed energy and sustenance. In western Sudan, another energy-packed food for travel is damasoro or khamis tawiera, which combines sesame seeds, peanuts, ghee and kisra or sorghum flatbread, dried dates and spices. The mixture is then made into a coarse powder which is consumed dry or with milk or water.
Milk products such as sour milk or roub is a travel food known more among nomads and garis is when different herbs, such as nigella seeds, are added to preserve it. Ghubasha and fursa are other variations of milk drinks. In Sudan, meat is processed in three different ways in order for it to be taken on a journey: lahma nashfa or dried meat, is a meat that is slowly cooked over a long period of time until it dries out, a similar process is carried out with fat and rind and is known as rabeet. Meat can also be dried naturally in the sun and can be either small strips of meat called sharmout, which is later pound into a powder format and used to make stews, or shugag, a specific joint of meat from smaller or wild animals, cut lengthwise into four, six or eight parts and dried together. Finally, meat can also be salted.
A recent method of transporting food, now that travel is faster and safer, is to prepare sandwiches, especially of ful or fava beans, boiled eggs and tamia or falafel. This trio of favourites is very popular in everyday settings and can sometimes even be mashed together in one dish. During times when trains were fully operational in Sudan, food-on-the-move was associated with restaurant carriages, serving mainly western menus for breakfast, lunch, dinner and tea. They were also known for having their own packaged items for consumption such as flavored lemonade. A menu of food offered on the El-Obeid line when it was opened was recently shared on social media platforms. Written in French, the list contained dishes such as caviar and needless to say, this was not meant for everyone!
Service consisted of the famous white porcelain dishes with a green rim which, for first and second class passengers, would be delivered to your room or in the restaurant carriage. Today, the few trains that do operate do not offer catering and the simple sandwich has taken its place and can be bought in bustling stations amongst the hubbub of shouting vendors and cries of those coming say goodbye to their loved ones.
Header picture and Gallery pictures © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez
Khartoum Market
Khartoum Market
Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, a graduate of the Faculty of Geography, Damascus University, conducted a study titled “The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market” as part of her diploma in urban planning at the Development Studies and Research Institute of Khartoum University. In an interview with Studio Urban, Dr. Zain talks about the old Khartoum Market which was built in 1903 to cater for the needs of the city’s residents and which played an important role in distributing the state's agricultural products. Dr. Zain also discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the old market and the consequences of its removal and recalls her childhood memories at the old market, where she used to go with her father to buy family supplies.
Dr. Zain’s research talks in detail about the old market and its social and economic value to central Khartoum and describes how the market used to be made up of eight sectors, some of which were tourist attractions. She also describes the reasons why the market was removed, such as to make way for traffic junctions, pollution, and promises to upgrade the urban space.
Dr. Zain’s research explains that the decision to remove the market was not necessarily a bad one, however troubles with implementation, and the fact that most of the promised solutions were not fulfilled, was problematic. The research lists all the regulations and policies that stipulated the inclusion of the merchants of the Khartoum Market in the new development and ensured that the markets were located fairly and logically. In her interview thirty years after the market was removed, Dr. Zain reflects on the promises that were made, such as developing the urban public space in Khartoum, allocating offices for government use, and finding solutions to the problem of traffic. She points to the “five-star,” up-market Al-Waha Mall, as an example of a broken promise and the use of the land, where part of the old market stood, to construct an outlet which targeted the rich and pushed away those from lower economic backgrounds who had frequented the old market.
Finally, the study reviews the alternative neighborhood markets that were built all around Khartoum and how most of them failed as a result of their initial design and their placement in open public spaces, but also how they did not have the social and cultural impact the Khartoum Market had as they were isolated and only functioned for a few hours everyday. Nevertheless, Dr. Zain gives an example of one successful case of a neighborhood market in western Khartoum. She says the demographic of the area, their consumption culture and large number of population as well as the lack of access to food markets in the region and proximity to public transport, contributed to its thriving.
Accompanying this interview are some image extracts from the original document.
The interview was conducted by Studio Urban in an attempt to “Document Spatial Narratives” in Khartoum as part of a range of interviews with a diverse group of Khartoum residents, each sharing their memories and insights about Khartoum's famous places.
About a Space podcast is a sub-series to the Khartoum Podcast.
Header picture © Azza Mohamed, Studio Urban
Gallery pictures © Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, extracts from thesis titled The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market
Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, a graduate of the Faculty of Geography, Damascus University, conducted a study titled “The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market” as part of her diploma in urban planning at the Development Studies and Research Institute of Khartoum University. In an interview with Studio Urban, Dr. Zain talks about the old Khartoum Market which was built in 1903 to cater for the needs of the city’s residents and which played an important role in distributing the state's agricultural products. Dr. Zain also discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the old market and the consequences of its removal and recalls her childhood memories at the old market, where she used to go with her father to buy family supplies.
Dr. Zain’s research talks in detail about the old market and its social and economic value to central Khartoum and describes how the market used to be made up of eight sectors, some of which were tourist attractions. She also describes the reasons why the market was removed, such as to make way for traffic junctions, pollution, and promises to upgrade the urban space.
Dr. Zain’s research explains that the decision to remove the market was not necessarily a bad one, however troubles with implementation, and the fact that most of the promised solutions were not fulfilled, was problematic. The research lists all the regulations and policies that stipulated the inclusion of the merchants of the Khartoum Market in the new development and ensured that the markets were located fairly and logically. In her interview thirty years after the market was removed, Dr. Zain reflects on the promises that were made, such as developing the urban public space in Khartoum, allocating offices for government use, and finding solutions to the problem of traffic. She points to the “five-star,” up-market Al-Waha Mall, as an example of a broken promise and the use of the land, where part of the old market stood, to construct an outlet which targeted the rich and pushed away those from lower economic backgrounds who had frequented the old market.
Finally, the study reviews the alternative neighborhood markets that were built all around Khartoum and how most of them failed as a result of their initial design and their placement in open public spaces, but also how they did not have the social and cultural impact the Khartoum Market had as they were isolated and only functioned for a few hours everyday. Nevertheless, Dr. Zain gives an example of one successful case of a neighborhood market in western Khartoum. She says the demographic of the area, their consumption culture and large number of population as well as the lack of access to food markets in the region and proximity to public transport, contributed to its thriving.
Accompanying this interview are some image extracts from the original document.
The interview was conducted by Studio Urban in an attempt to “Document Spatial Narratives” in Khartoum as part of a range of interviews with a diverse group of Khartoum residents, each sharing their memories and insights about Khartoum's famous places.
About a Space podcast is a sub-series to the Khartoum Podcast.
Header picture © Azza Mohamed, Studio Urban
Gallery pictures © Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, extracts from thesis titled The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market
Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, a graduate of the Faculty of Geography, Damascus University, conducted a study titled “The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market” as part of her diploma in urban planning at the Development Studies and Research Institute of Khartoum University. In an interview with Studio Urban, Dr. Zain talks about the old Khartoum Market which was built in 1903 to cater for the needs of the city’s residents and which played an important role in distributing the state's agricultural products. Dr. Zain also discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the old market and the consequences of its removal and recalls her childhood memories at the old market, where she used to go with her father to buy family supplies.
Dr. Zain’s research talks in detail about the old market and its social and economic value to central Khartoum and describes how the market used to be made up of eight sectors, some of which were tourist attractions. She also describes the reasons why the market was removed, such as to make way for traffic junctions, pollution, and promises to upgrade the urban space.
Dr. Zain’s research explains that the decision to remove the market was not necessarily a bad one, however troubles with implementation, and the fact that most of the promised solutions were not fulfilled, was problematic. The research lists all the regulations and policies that stipulated the inclusion of the merchants of the Khartoum Market in the new development and ensured that the markets were located fairly and logically. In her interview thirty years after the market was removed, Dr. Zain reflects on the promises that were made, such as developing the urban public space in Khartoum, allocating offices for government use, and finding solutions to the problem of traffic. She points to the “five-star,” up-market Al-Waha Mall, as an example of a broken promise and the use of the land, where part of the old market stood, to construct an outlet which targeted the rich and pushed away those from lower economic backgrounds who had frequented the old market.
Finally, the study reviews the alternative neighborhood markets that were built all around Khartoum and how most of them failed as a result of their initial design and their placement in open public spaces, but also how they did not have the social and cultural impact the Khartoum Market had as they were isolated and only functioned for a few hours everyday. Nevertheless, Dr. Zain gives an example of one successful case of a neighborhood market in western Khartoum. She says the demographic of the area, their consumption culture and large number of population as well as the lack of access to food markets in the region and proximity to public transport, contributed to its thriving.
Accompanying this interview are some image extracts from the original document.
The interview was conducted by Studio Urban in an attempt to “Document Spatial Narratives” in Khartoum as part of a range of interviews with a diverse group of Khartoum residents, each sharing their memories and insights about Khartoum's famous places.
About a Space podcast is a sub-series to the Khartoum Podcast.
Header picture © Azza Mohamed, Studio Urban
Gallery pictures © Dr. Zain Haider Obaid, extracts from thesis titled The Experience of Removing the Old Khartoum Market
Storing culture
Storing culture
Recipes can hold within them a magnitude of cultural traits and values. You recognize this when you taste food made with a specific recipe, or when you try to replicate your mother’s dish or find ingredients in a new country or when a specific occasion comes around and you crave the food your grandmother used to make to celebrate this same day.
What we eat, how we cook it and with whom we eat it, are all pathways to activating cultural activities with all the old crafts, knowledge, practices and rituals that are involved.
If food stores culture then where is food stored?
The answer to this question is multidimensional, because of course it is stored in cooking, in eating, in practicing and in teaching. However, a more pragmatic answer would be that it is stored in cookbooks and other archiving methods. One such method is the online space which has become a key tool for preserving and storing archives, especially relating to music and living culture, even though many platforms were not created with the intention of archiving, they now serve that purpose. This is where many Sudanese people turn with the ongoing displacement crisis and increasing difficulties in cooking the authentic recipes they grew up eating.
Other than for survival, the quality of food is important for our health, both mentally and physically. Access to food is a human right that is why community kitchens, takaya, around Sudan are now playing a significant role in providing food to war-affected communities. By offering meals through this unique method of local support and sharing this life-saving aid also bestows dignity on those who receive it.
Now, going back to the online space, there are a remarkable number of food bloggers who specialize in cooking Sudanese food and also in showing variations and alternatives to ingredients so that recipes can be cooked abroad or to match dietary restrictions. One prime example is Simsimia’s Kitchen, one of the first of its kind which gained a lot of popularity, especially the rice flour and yogurt asida, which was a quick and accessible method of making the staple dish. Simsimia established her food blog in 2008 after she was encouraged on various forums that were popular at the time, to create a platform to recreate recipes by her late mother and help younger women access these recipes.
Another change to the online culture was the advent of social media, especially Facebook groups which still remains the most popular platform for Sudanese users. One of the largest groups is The Sudan Contemporary and Traditional Kitchen, a group that was started in May 2015 by Sudanese chefs and which gained popularity among mothers and now has over 1.5 million members. The platform is considered the largest Sudanese cookery platform, as members are encouraged to share recipes with details of all the steps and ingredients. The platform has a positive, supportive culture and all comments deemed degrading to skill or culture is prohibited. Even for my own work on this blog theme, this platform has been one of the key resources that I have used to learn about recipes but much importantly about culture. The discussion format allows many members to explain the cultural norms associated with the dish, the name they use for a specific dish and many aspects that spark discussion between the different members of the group about the recipe or dish.
Recently, even more social media influencers have started sharing food videos and content online using various platforms and in differing formats. For example, the account Habi Makes on Instagram, where the focus is on food photography which the owner started posting in 2017 and which developed into content showing recipes presented in an artistic way. Other content creators on TickTok or YouTube have also gained popularity for sharing short and easy to follow recipes, such as Ahmed Abdin, who has over 250k followers on TickTok alone. His short format videos of food content, which he started posting in early 2020, gained popularity very fast. In terms of the cultural aspect of food, platforms such as the Sudanese Kitchen page and website, have also started to appear and in terms of Sudanese Kitchen the owner is in the process of collecting all his materials in order to produce a book.
Finally an other resource is Mazaq khas magazine, a food focused online magazine.
Header picture © Yousif Alshikh, Khartoum، 2022
Recipes can hold within them a magnitude of cultural traits and values. You recognize this when you taste food made with a specific recipe, or when you try to replicate your mother’s dish or find ingredients in a new country or when a specific occasion comes around and you crave the food your grandmother used to make to celebrate this same day.
What we eat, how we cook it and with whom we eat it, are all pathways to activating cultural activities with all the old crafts, knowledge, practices and rituals that are involved.
If food stores culture then where is food stored?
The answer to this question is multidimensional, because of course it is stored in cooking, in eating, in practicing and in teaching. However, a more pragmatic answer would be that it is stored in cookbooks and other archiving methods. One such method is the online space which has become a key tool for preserving and storing archives, especially relating to music and living culture, even though many platforms were not created with the intention of archiving, they now serve that purpose. This is where many Sudanese people turn with the ongoing displacement crisis and increasing difficulties in cooking the authentic recipes they grew up eating.
Other than for survival, the quality of food is important for our health, both mentally and physically. Access to food is a human right that is why community kitchens, takaya, around Sudan are now playing a significant role in providing food to war-affected communities. By offering meals through this unique method of local support and sharing this life-saving aid also bestows dignity on those who receive it.
Now, going back to the online space, there are a remarkable number of food bloggers who specialize in cooking Sudanese food and also in showing variations and alternatives to ingredients so that recipes can be cooked abroad or to match dietary restrictions. One prime example is Simsimia’s Kitchen, one of the first of its kind which gained a lot of popularity, especially the rice flour and yogurt asida, which was a quick and accessible method of making the staple dish. Simsimia established her food blog in 2008 after she was encouraged on various forums that were popular at the time, to create a platform to recreate recipes by her late mother and help younger women access these recipes.
Another change to the online culture was the advent of social media, especially Facebook groups which still remains the most popular platform for Sudanese users. One of the largest groups is The Sudan Contemporary and Traditional Kitchen, a group that was started in May 2015 by Sudanese chefs and which gained popularity among mothers and now has over 1.5 million members. The platform is considered the largest Sudanese cookery platform, as members are encouraged to share recipes with details of all the steps and ingredients. The platform has a positive, supportive culture and all comments deemed degrading to skill or culture is prohibited. Even for my own work on this blog theme, this platform has been one of the key resources that I have used to learn about recipes but much importantly about culture. The discussion format allows many members to explain the cultural norms associated with the dish, the name they use for a specific dish and many aspects that spark discussion between the different members of the group about the recipe or dish.
Recently, even more social media influencers have started sharing food videos and content online using various platforms and in differing formats. For example, the account Habi Makes on Instagram, where the focus is on food photography which the owner started posting in 2017 and which developed into content showing recipes presented in an artistic way. Other content creators on TickTok or YouTube have also gained popularity for sharing short and easy to follow recipes, such as Ahmed Abdin, who has over 250k followers on TickTok alone. His short format videos of food content, which he started posting in early 2020, gained popularity very fast. In terms of the cultural aspect of food, platforms such as the Sudanese Kitchen page and website, have also started to appear and in terms of Sudanese Kitchen the owner is in the process of collecting all his materials in order to produce a book.
Finally an other resource is Mazaq khas magazine, a food focused online magazine.
Header picture © Yousif Alshikh, Khartoum، 2022
Recipes can hold within them a magnitude of cultural traits and values. You recognize this when you taste food made with a specific recipe, or when you try to replicate your mother’s dish or find ingredients in a new country or when a specific occasion comes around and you crave the food your grandmother used to make to celebrate this same day.
What we eat, how we cook it and with whom we eat it, are all pathways to activating cultural activities with all the old crafts, knowledge, practices and rituals that are involved.
If food stores culture then where is food stored?
The answer to this question is multidimensional, because of course it is stored in cooking, in eating, in practicing and in teaching. However, a more pragmatic answer would be that it is stored in cookbooks and other archiving methods. One such method is the online space which has become a key tool for preserving and storing archives, especially relating to music and living culture, even though many platforms were not created with the intention of archiving, they now serve that purpose. This is where many Sudanese people turn with the ongoing displacement crisis and increasing difficulties in cooking the authentic recipes they grew up eating.
Other than for survival, the quality of food is important for our health, both mentally and physically. Access to food is a human right that is why community kitchens, takaya, around Sudan are now playing a significant role in providing food to war-affected communities. By offering meals through this unique method of local support and sharing this life-saving aid also bestows dignity on those who receive it.
Now, going back to the online space, there are a remarkable number of food bloggers who specialize in cooking Sudanese food and also in showing variations and alternatives to ingredients so that recipes can be cooked abroad or to match dietary restrictions. One prime example is Simsimia’s Kitchen, one of the first of its kind which gained a lot of popularity, especially the rice flour and yogurt asida, which was a quick and accessible method of making the staple dish. Simsimia established her food blog in 2008 after she was encouraged on various forums that were popular at the time, to create a platform to recreate recipes by her late mother and help younger women access these recipes.
Another change to the online culture was the advent of social media, especially Facebook groups which still remains the most popular platform for Sudanese users. One of the largest groups is The Sudan Contemporary and Traditional Kitchen, a group that was started in May 2015 by Sudanese chefs and which gained popularity among mothers and now has over 1.5 million members. The platform is considered the largest Sudanese cookery platform, as members are encouraged to share recipes with details of all the steps and ingredients. The platform has a positive, supportive culture and all comments deemed degrading to skill or culture is prohibited. Even for my own work on this blog theme, this platform has been one of the key resources that I have used to learn about recipes but much importantly about culture. The discussion format allows many members to explain the cultural norms associated with the dish, the name they use for a specific dish and many aspects that spark discussion between the different members of the group about the recipe or dish.
Recently, even more social media influencers have started sharing food videos and content online using various platforms and in differing formats. For example, the account Habi Makes on Instagram, where the focus is on food photography which the owner started posting in 2017 and which developed into content showing recipes presented in an artistic way. Other content creators on TickTok or YouTube have also gained popularity for sharing short and easy to follow recipes, such as Ahmed Abdin, who has over 250k followers on TickTok alone. His short format videos of food content, which he started posting in early 2020, gained popularity very fast. In terms of the cultural aspect of food, platforms such as the Sudanese Kitchen page and website, have also started to appear and in terms of Sudanese Kitchen the owner is in the process of collecting all his materials in order to produce a book.
Finally an other resource is Mazaq khas magazine, a food focused online magazine.
Header picture © Yousif Alshikh, Khartoum، 2022
Al Fattah
Al Fattah
Panel and header illustrated by Shirouq Idris
Fattah is a communal dish where food is shared in order to increase the meal size and feed more people. It is made up of several components with the main element usually being a type of bread, or similar staples, that are broken or mashed up into smaller pieces. Making fattah is an affordable way for everyone to share what food they have, adding it to the contents of one bowl and eating it with a cheap and tasty chili condiment.
Bread loaves in Sudan vary according to the type of crops grown in the region, whether the dough is fermented and the method used to cook them whether in an oven or on a hot plate over a coal fire.
Wheat products
Wheat is mainly grown in northern and central Sudan, so we find most types of bread is made of wheat in these regions. Varieties include Nubian Bread such as the Argo, Dongola and Basawla bread which are loaves made in large disc shapes and baked in local ovens. The loaves are usually firm on the outside and soft on the inside, and have a lot of pulp due to the use of a type of yeast called Badra Aish. Local Bread, known as Baladi or Aish Tabouna is the most common type of bread in Sudan. It is also baked in large commercial ovens or at home. It is made of wholemeal, unhusked wheat flour. Fino Bread is a modern type of bread loaf that only recently became popular in Sudan. It is made of white flour or husked flour using modern machinery and commercial ovens.
Fattah of boiled flour, wad luba or dan waki (one by one) are balls of wheat flour dough, thrown into boiling water to cook and then eaten with a vegetarian food similar to sakhina described below..
Bread fattah
There are several different ways and recipes for eating baked bread fattah, most notably with meat stew or broth. This type is often eaten on big occasions such as weddings and religious events, and is also distributed as a karama; an offering for blessings. There are several ways to make the stew and sometimes rice and kisra may be added to the dish. Another meat fattah is made with chicken stew or broth. This is a more recent invention but looks similar to the meat fattah with the pieces of meat displayed on top of the pile of stew-soaked bread.
Ful, fava bean fattah or bosh, is a street food that is also a recent addition to the fattah repertoire. The water in which the ful has been boiled is added to the bread pieces and a variety of other things are added on top. These can be tamiya (falafel), white cheese, cooked lentils, salad, yogurt, and mish (a fermented soft cheese) and many others. The idea of fattah is to add what is available and, therefore, considered a cheap meal that is easy to make and share. There are several stories about the origin of the name, the first is that the word bosh means a gathering of people, the second is that the large plate, in which the fattah is made, was originally called bosh, while another story is that it was named after former US president George Bush senior.
Sakhina stew varies from one region to another and is made of vegetables, but mostly onions and tomatoes which are fried and to which water and large quantities of dakwa, or peanut butter, are added
Fattat Adas is made with lentil soup. This is by far the most popular type of fattah mostly because of its low cost but also because of the variety of other foods and condiments that can be added to it to make it tastier.
Uwasa
This is the process of making flat wheat-flour bread with the thickness varying from one place to another. In northern Sudan, it is usually spread, or flattened, over a hot plate and is made at home typically using wholemeal wheat flour but sometimes white flour is added to the dough mixture to help spread it on the hot plate particularly when making the thinner varieties.
Gurasa is also known as kabid or kabida, and it is the most well-known, and thickest type of flatbread produced in this way. The uwasa, baking, of gurasa is simple because the dough is easy to spread and it can be baked quickly. It is usually eaten with a basic stew made up of either tomato and meat, called mulah ahmar (red stew) or mulah akhdar (green stew), which is based on broth mixed with powdered dried okra or weka. Gurasa can also be eaten as a dessert with sugar and ghee, or yoghurt.
Gurasa recipes for fattah include kurdtad, a fattah of chickpeas or beans and jakasurid, a fattah of onions and oil.
Thinner types of gurasa include tabtab, sanasen, al-fateer, salab or salabiyya, and idweer. Methods and sizes of these loaves depend on where you are in northern Sudan but it is often mostly eaten with savoury dishes or stews that are denser in consistency. Stews eaten when making fattah with this type of gurasa include meat stews which are similar to those used in bread fattah. Fattah is eaten with stew on big occasions. Fattah with milk, or yogurt is usually consumed as a lighter meal at dinner. Mukhbaza is made from wheat bread that resembles gurasa and is often stuffed with bananas, or cut into small pieces and bananas and the rest of the ingredients are added to it.
Sorghum products
Sorghum is a rain-fed crop that is grown in many places in Sudan and as such, is the traditional food for many communities. Bread made with wheat flour only became popular when eating habits started to change around the mid-twentieth century. As sorghum does not contain gluten, it is cooked by spreading it onto a hotplate or made into porridge.
Thin sorghum flatbreads, also known as kisra, vary according to the amount of husk left in the flour and include the wad akr or fetarita varieties. White kisra is made out of sorghum that has had all the husk removed and is eaten more in areas of central Sudan. Kisra fetarita, where the husk is left in the sorghum flour, is mostly eaten in western Sudan. Another variety is the millet or red kisra. Kisra is eaten with different types of foods, such as the customary mulah and tabikh meat, chicken or vegetable stews depending on what is popular in each region. Fattah recipes with kisra include sakhina which is similar to that eaten with the bread fattah. Kisra with water is a light, cheap meal made up of kisra mashed up with spices and water or yoghurt.
Millet products
Millet is usually eaten whole or in the form of porridge. Sometimes flat breads are made from it in the form of kisra or gurasa and these can be cut into balls of dough that are boiled and eaten with milk or sugar in a similar way to fattah. Varieties include karako which is made of millet flour and eaten with milk or yogurt and sugar. Gadugaddu and gougar is made from husked millet flour, and is served as a drink or a meal.
Panel and header illustrated by Shirouq Idris
Fattah is a communal dish where food is shared in order to increase the meal size and feed more people. It is made up of several components with the main element usually being a type of bread, or similar staples, that are broken or mashed up into smaller pieces. Making fattah is an affordable way for everyone to share what food they have, adding it to the contents of one bowl and eating it with a cheap and tasty chili condiment.
Bread loaves in Sudan vary according to the type of crops grown in the region, whether the dough is fermented and the method used to cook them whether in an oven or on a hot plate over a coal fire.
Wheat products
Wheat is mainly grown in northern and central Sudan, so we find most types of bread is made of wheat in these regions. Varieties include Nubian Bread such as the Argo, Dongola and Basawla bread which are loaves made in large disc shapes and baked in local ovens. The loaves are usually firm on the outside and soft on the inside, and have a lot of pulp due to the use of a type of yeast called Badra Aish. Local Bread, known as Baladi or Aish Tabouna is the most common type of bread in Sudan. It is also baked in large commercial ovens or at home. It is made of wholemeal, unhusked wheat flour. Fino Bread is a modern type of bread loaf that only recently became popular in Sudan. It is made of white flour or husked flour using modern machinery and commercial ovens.
Fattah of boiled flour, wad luba or dan waki (one by one) are balls of wheat flour dough, thrown into boiling water to cook and then eaten with a vegetarian food similar to sakhina described below..
Bread fattah
There are several different ways and recipes for eating baked bread fattah, most notably with meat stew or broth. This type is often eaten on big occasions such as weddings and religious events, and is also distributed as a karama; an offering for blessings. There are several ways to make the stew and sometimes rice and kisra may be added to the dish. Another meat fattah is made with chicken stew or broth. This is a more recent invention but looks similar to the meat fattah with the pieces of meat displayed on top of the pile of stew-soaked bread.
Ful, fava bean fattah or bosh, is a street food that is also a recent addition to the fattah repertoire. The water in which the ful has been boiled is added to the bread pieces and a variety of other things are added on top. These can be tamiya (falafel), white cheese, cooked lentils, salad, yogurt, and mish (a fermented soft cheese) and many others. The idea of fattah is to add what is available and, therefore, considered a cheap meal that is easy to make and share. There are several stories about the origin of the name, the first is that the word bosh means a gathering of people, the second is that the large plate, in which the fattah is made, was originally called bosh, while another story is that it was named after former US president George Bush senior.
Sakhina stew varies from one region to another and is made of vegetables, but mostly onions and tomatoes which are fried and to which water and large quantities of dakwa, or peanut butter, are added
Fattat Adas is made with lentil soup. This is by far the most popular type of fattah mostly because of its low cost but also because of the variety of other foods and condiments that can be added to it to make it tastier.
Uwasa
This is the process of making flat wheat-flour bread with the thickness varying from one place to another. In northern Sudan, it is usually spread, or flattened, over a hot plate and is made at home typically using wholemeal wheat flour but sometimes white flour is added to the dough mixture to help spread it on the hot plate particularly when making the thinner varieties.
Gurasa is also known as kabid or kabida, and it is the most well-known, and thickest type of flatbread produced in this way. The uwasa, baking, of gurasa is simple because the dough is easy to spread and it can be baked quickly. It is usually eaten with a basic stew made up of either tomato and meat, called mulah ahmar (red stew) or mulah akhdar (green stew), which is based on broth mixed with powdered dried okra or weka. Gurasa can also be eaten as a dessert with sugar and ghee, or yoghurt.
Gurasa recipes for fattah include kurdtad, a fattah of chickpeas or beans and jakasurid, a fattah of onions and oil.
Thinner types of gurasa include tabtab, sanasen, al-fateer, salab or salabiyya, and idweer. Methods and sizes of these loaves depend on where you are in northern Sudan but it is often mostly eaten with savoury dishes or stews that are denser in consistency. Stews eaten when making fattah with this type of gurasa include meat stews which are similar to those used in bread fattah. Fattah is eaten with stew on big occasions. Fattah with milk, or yogurt is usually consumed as a lighter meal at dinner. Mukhbaza is made from wheat bread that resembles gurasa and is often stuffed with bananas, or cut into small pieces and bananas and the rest of the ingredients are added to it.
Sorghum products
Sorghum is a rain-fed crop that is grown in many places in Sudan and as such, is the traditional food for many communities. Bread made with wheat flour only became popular when eating habits started to change around the mid-twentieth century. As sorghum does not contain gluten, it is cooked by spreading it onto a hotplate or made into porridge.
Thin sorghum flatbreads, also known as kisra, vary according to the amount of husk left in the flour and include the wad akr or fetarita varieties. White kisra is made out of sorghum that has had all the husk removed and is eaten more in areas of central Sudan. Kisra fetarita, where the husk is left in the sorghum flour, is mostly eaten in western Sudan. Another variety is the millet or red kisra. Kisra is eaten with different types of foods, such as the customary mulah and tabikh meat, chicken or vegetable stews depending on what is popular in each region. Fattah recipes with kisra include sakhina which is similar to that eaten with the bread fattah. Kisra with water is a light, cheap meal made up of kisra mashed up with spices and water or yoghurt.
Millet products
Millet is usually eaten whole or in the form of porridge. Sometimes flat breads are made from it in the form of kisra or gurasa and these can be cut into balls of dough that are boiled and eaten with milk or sugar in a similar way to fattah. Varieties include karako which is made of millet flour and eaten with milk or yogurt and sugar. Gadugaddu and gougar is made from husked millet flour, and is served as a drink or a meal.
Panel and header illustrated by Shirouq Idris
Fattah is a communal dish where food is shared in order to increase the meal size and feed more people. It is made up of several components with the main element usually being a type of bread, or similar staples, that are broken or mashed up into smaller pieces. Making fattah is an affordable way for everyone to share what food they have, adding it to the contents of one bowl and eating it with a cheap and tasty chili condiment.
Bread loaves in Sudan vary according to the type of crops grown in the region, whether the dough is fermented and the method used to cook them whether in an oven or on a hot plate over a coal fire.
Wheat products
Wheat is mainly grown in northern and central Sudan, so we find most types of bread is made of wheat in these regions. Varieties include Nubian Bread such as the Argo, Dongola and Basawla bread which are loaves made in large disc shapes and baked in local ovens. The loaves are usually firm on the outside and soft on the inside, and have a lot of pulp due to the use of a type of yeast called Badra Aish. Local Bread, known as Baladi or Aish Tabouna is the most common type of bread in Sudan. It is also baked in large commercial ovens or at home. It is made of wholemeal, unhusked wheat flour. Fino Bread is a modern type of bread loaf that only recently became popular in Sudan. It is made of white flour or husked flour using modern machinery and commercial ovens.
Fattah of boiled flour, wad luba or dan waki (one by one) are balls of wheat flour dough, thrown into boiling water to cook and then eaten with a vegetarian food similar to sakhina described below..
Bread fattah
There are several different ways and recipes for eating baked bread fattah, most notably with meat stew or broth. This type is often eaten on big occasions such as weddings and religious events, and is also distributed as a karama; an offering for blessings. There are several ways to make the stew and sometimes rice and kisra may be added to the dish. Another meat fattah is made with chicken stew or broth. This is a more recent invention but looks similar to the meat fattah with the pieces of meat displayed on top of the pile of stew-soaked bread.
Ful, fava bean fattah or bosh, is a street food that is also a recent addition to the fattah repertoire. The water in which the ful has been boiled is added to the bread pieces and a variety of other things are added on top. These can be tamiya (falafel), white cheese, cooked lentils, salad, yogurt, and mish (a fermented soft cheese) and many others. The idea of fattah is to add what is available and, therefore, considered a cheap meal that is easy to make and share. There are several stories about the origin of the name, the first is that the word bosh means a gathering of people, the second is that the large plate, in which the fattah is made, was originally called bosh, while another story is that it was named after former US president George Bush senior.
Sakhina stew varies from one region to another and is made of vegetables, but mostly onions and tomatoes which are fried and to which water and large quantities of dakwa, or peanut butter, are added
Fattat Adas is made with lentil soup. This is by far the most popular type of fattah mostly because of its low cost but also because of the variety of other foods and condiments that can be added to it to make it tastier.
Uwasa
This is the process of making flat wheat-flour bread with the thickness varying from one place to another. In northern Sudan, it is usually spread, or flattened, over a hot plate and is made at home typically using wholemeal wheat flour but sometimes white flour is added to the dough mixture to help spread it on the hot plate particularly when making the thinner varieties.
Gurasa is also known as kabid or kabida, and it is the most well-known, and thickest type of flatbread produced in this way. The uwasa, baking, of gurasa is simple because the dough is easy to spread and it can be baked quickly. It is usually eaten with a basic stew made up of either tomato and meat, called mulah ahmar (red stew) or mulah akhdar (green stew), which is based on broth mixed with powdered dried okra or weka. Gurasa can also be eaten as a dessert with sugar and ghee, or yoghurt.
Gurasa recipes for fattah include kurdtad, a fattah of chickpeas or beans and jakasurid, a fattah of onions and oil.
Thinner types of gurasa include tabtab, sanasen, al-fateer, salab or salabiyya, and idweer. Methods and sizes of these loaves depend on where you are in northern Sudan but it is often mostly eaten with savoury dishes or stews that are denser in consistency. Stews eaten when making fattah with this type of gurasa include meat stews which are similar to those used in bread fattah. Fattah is eaten with stew on big occasions. Fattah with milk, or yogurt is usually consumed as a lighter meal at dinner. Mukhbaza is made from wheat bread that resembles gurasa and is often stuffed with bananas, or cut into small pieces and bananas and the rest of the ingredients are added to it.
Sorghum products
Sorghum is a rain-fed crop that is grown in many places in Sudan and as such, is the traditional food for many communities. Bread made with wheat flour only became popular when eating habits started to change around the mid-twentieth century. As sorghum does not contain gluten, it is cooked by spreading it onto a hotplate or made into porridge.
Thin sorghum flatbreads, also known as kisra, vary according to the amount of husk left in the flour and include the wad akr or fetarita varieties. White kisra is made out of sorghum that has had all the husk removed and is eaten more in areas of central Sudan. Kisra fetarita, where the husk is left in the sorghum flour, is mostly eaten in western Sudan. Another variety is the millet or red kisra. Kisra is eaten with different types of foods, such as the customary mulah and tabikh meat, chicken or vegetable stews depending on what is popular in each region. Fattah recipes with kisra include sakhina which is similar to that eaten with the bread fattah. Kisra with water is a light, cheap meal made up of kisra mashed up with spices and water or yoghurt.
Millet products
Millet is usually eaten whole or in the form of porridge. Sometimes flat breads are made from it in the form of kisra or gurasa and these can be cut into balls of dough that are boiled and eaten with milk or sugar in a similar way to fattah. Varieties include karako which is made of millet flour and eaten with milk or yogurt and sugar. Gadugaddu and gougar is made from husked millet flour, and is served as a drink or a meal.
Discussion on the urban and rural through tea
Discussion on the urban and rural through tea
In this interview between Khalid Musab Shamboul and Zainab O M Gaafar on the topic of tea and milk, how this drink and its related cultural practices can be used to understand the urban and rural relationships and the dynamics of change in city life.
Dr. Khalid is an Environmentalist with 20 years of progressive professional experience in Environment and Climate Change in Sudan with advanced expertise in community based Environmental management. Experience in developing and conducting national /international communicational reports and assessment, managing and coordinating projects and providing technical advisory services to different Agencies in strategic and programme planning and capacity development in adaptation to climate change, water and sanitation, and environmental management. Currently Khalid is Technical Advisor for the Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage, providing expertise on environment and culture.
Zainab is an architect, researcher, and designer. She is the founder of Studio Urban, an experimental research studio based in Khartoum. Zainab and Studio Urban have a keen interest in urban studies, their intersection with culture, and the accessibility of knowledge related to the city, including its history, development, and policies. The studio develops media and podcasts and uses community engagement tools in it;s research practices. Currently, Zainab is the lead designer for Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage. As part of her work, she endeavours to address questions related to the role of museums in times of conflict and what it means to safeguard heritage outside of such institutions.
The intro song from Hambareed, composed by Nile
Header picture : Almigdad osman, Gezira
In this interview between Khalid Musab Shamboul and Zainab O M Gaafar on the topic of tea and milk, how this drink and its related cultural practices can be used to understand the urban and rural relationships and the dynamics of change in city life.
Dr. Khalid is an Environmentalist with 20 years of progressive professional experience in Environment and Climate Change in Sudan with advanced expertise in community based Environmental management. Experience in developing and conducting national /international communicational reports and assessment, managing and coordinating projects and providing technical advisory services to different Agencies in strategic and programme planning and capacity development in adaptation to climate change, water and sanitation, and environmental management. Currently Khalid is Technical Advisor for the Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage, providing expertise on environment and culture.
Zainab is an architect, researcher, and designer. She is the founder of Studio Urban, an experimental research studio based in Khartoum. Zainab and Studio Urban have a keen interest in urban studies, their intersection with culture, and the accessibility of knowledge related to the city, including its history, development, and policies. The studio develops media and podcasts and uses community engagement tools in it;s research practices. Currently, Zainab is the lead designer for Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage. As part of her work, she endeavours to address questions related to the role of museums in times of conflict and what it means to safeguard heritage outside of such institutions.
The intro song from Hambareed, composed by Nile
Header picture : Almigdad osman, Gezira
In this interview between Khalid Musab Shamboul and Zainab O M Gaafar on the topic of tea and milk, how this drink and its related cultural practices can be used to understand the urban and rural relationships and the dynamics of change in city life.
Dr. Khalid is an Environmentalist with 20 years of progressive professional experience in Environment and Climate Change in Sudan with advanced expertise in community based Environmental management. Experience in developing and conducting national /international communicational reports and assessment, managing and coordinating projects and providing technical advisory services to different Agencies in strategic and programme planning and capacity development in adaptation to climate change, water and sanitation, and environmental management. Currently Khalid is Technical Advisor for the Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage, providing expertise on environment and culture.
Zainab is an architect, researcher, and designer. She is the founder of Studio Urban, an experimental research studio based in Khartoum. Zainab and Studio Urban have a keen interest in urban studies, their intersection with culture, and the accessibility of knowledge related to the city, including its history, development, and policies. The studio develops media and podcasts and uses community engagement tools in it;s research practices. Currently, Zainab is the lead designer for Safeguarding Sudan's Living Heritage. As part of her work, she endeavours to address questions related to the role of museums in times of conflict and what it means to safeguard heritage outside of such institutions.
The intro song from Hambareed, composed by Nile
Header picture : Almigdad osman, Gezira