Nuba Wrestling
Nuba Wrestling
How Sudanese Wrestling Transformed from a Cultural Ritual in the Nuba Mountains to a Popular National Sport
By: Mujahid Al-Doma
Originally published by (Beam Reports) in 01/12/2022
At first glance, when you hear the cheers and chants of the crowd, you might think you’re at a football match. However, as you get closer to the arena surrounded by enthusiastic spectators, the scene becomes clear. Two wrestlers stand in the middle of a sand-covered ring, grappling with their hands, striving to bring the other down to win a round of Sudanese wrestling, known as Al-Sira’a.
Wrestling (Al-Sira’a) has deep roots in the South Kordofan region (Nuba Mountains), where it originated as a cultural practice and an integral part of the identity of various tribal groups, with additional social and economic dimensions.
Initially, wrestling was associated with celebrations and festivals held during the harvest season, from August to December each year. These events often featured artistic performances by the wrestlers before their matches. As part of the tradition, each tribal group trained its young wrestlers, ensuring they followed a comprehensive diet (including fresh milk, meat, honey, and sesame) to prepare them for competing against wrestlers from other tribes.
New Arenas
Due to the repeated civil wars in Sudan, which affected South Kordofan, many people began migrating in the 1970s, seeking safety and new opportunities. This movement brought displaced populations to other states, particularly the capital, Khartoum, and its outskirts. Along with them came their traditions, culture, and rituals, including dances like Karnak and Kambala, as well as wrestling. The latter gained widespread popularity as a sport, leading to the establishment of several wrestling arenas in places like Haj Yousif (East Nile) and Abu Hamad (Omdurman). These arenas now host diverse audiences of Sudanese and foreigners twice a week to enjoy and cheer on the matches.
The transformation of wrestling from a cultural practice to a sport brought changes to some of its rules and the way wrestlers (known as “Knights” in the Nuba Mountains) adorn themselves. Wrestling now operates under established laws and regulations. Additionally, the Sudanese Wrestling Federation was established to oversee the sport. Players began affiliating with clubs rather than the tribal groups from which they originated.
Due to the notable similarities between Sudanese wrestling and Japanese sumo wrestling, Sudanese arenas have, on several occasions, seen participation from Japanese individuals, including the Japanese diplomat Yasuhiro Morotatsu.
In March 2022, the fifth national wrestling championship concluded in the city of Khashm al-Qirba (Kassala State). The event, first organized by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in 2017 in Khartoum, has since become an annual gathering hosted by various states, including Gedaref, Kassala, Blue Nile, and again in Kassala in March 2022. The championship was held under the slogan, "Through Wrestling, We Strengthen Peace," with six states participating: South Kordofan, White Nile, Gedaref, Khartoum, Red Sea, and Kassala. However, West and North Kordofan, Sennar, Northern State, and Blue Nile apologised for not taking part.
International Participation
In recent years, the Sudanese national wrestling team has participated in several African and Arab championships, achieving a notable number of titles and medals. The team won two bronze medals at the African Championship in Nigeria in 2018 and five additional medals at the Arab Championship in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt. The team further enhanced its experience and international participation, culminating in winning 12 medals at the 2019 Arab Championship and the Ibrahim Mustafa International Tournament.
Last May marked a new breakthrough for Sudanese wrestling on the international stage. Sudanese wrestler Patricia Saif al-Din, the first female wrestler to compete in an international tournament, achieved third place and won a bronze medal in the 68 kg category at the African Championship held in Morocco, which featured participants from 34 countries.
It is worth noting that Patricia is one of many women who have joined wrestling through the Talent Discovery Project, a programme organized in partnership with the International Olympic Committee and international federations. The Wrestling Federation benefited from this initiative in 2018, with Patricia securing one of the top positions in the programme and further participated in the Paris 2024 Olympics.
A New Generation
The rise of wrestling and its appeal across all age groups has emphasized the need for institutions to nurture and train young talents of both genders. To this end, the Wrestling Federation has been organizing martial arts training sessions for boys and girls aged 7–19, aiming to develop the sport by providing the necessary skills and education.
The fifth session of the Martial Arts School Project was held before the war, targeting school students. Around 150 boys and girls from Unity National Schools (East Nile) participated. The project is implemented by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in partnership with the International Center for Martial Arts (South Korea) and under the sponsorship of UNESCO.
The spread of wrestling and its transformation from a social and ritual activity tied to harvest celebrations in the Nuba Mountains into a widely-followed sport across Sudan showcases the value of cultural exchange. It highlights the openness of cultures to one another and the intermingling of traditions.
The video shows footage of the 2020 Nuba festival held in Khartoum, the festival included traditional dancing and traditional Nuba wrestling, a popular sports that attracts hundreds of people every week to watch. Filmed by Snoop for the Western Sudan Community Museums project
Cover picture: Every Friday, Sudanese wrestling takes place between Nubian and South Sudanese tribes in Haj Yousif © Mohammed Osman, Khartoum
How Sudanese Wrestling Transformed from a Cultural Ritual in the Nuba Mountains to a Popular National Sport
By: Mujahid Al-Doma
Originally published by (Beam Reports) in 01/12/2022
At first glance, when you hear the cheers and chants of the crowd, you might think you’re at a football match. However, as you get closer to the arena surrounded by enthusiastic spectators, the scene becomes clear. Two wrestlers stand in the middle of a sand-covered ring, grappling with their hands, striving to bring the other down to win a round of Sudanese wrestling, known as Al-Sira’a.
Wrestling (Al-Sira’a) has deep roots in the South Kordofan region (Nuba Mountains), where it originated as a cultural practice and an integral part of the identity of various tribal groups, with additional social and economic dimensions.
Initially, wrestling was associated with celebrations and festivals held during the harvest season, from August to December each year. These events often featured artistic performances by the wrestlers before their matches. As part of the tradition, each tribal group trained its young wrestlers, ensuring they followed a comprehensive diet (including fresh milk, meat, honey, and sesame) to prepare them for competing against wrestlers from other tribes.
New Arenas
Due to the repeated civil wars in Sudan, which affected South Kordofan, many people began migrating in the 1970s, seeking safety and new opportunities. This movement brought displaced populations to other states, particularly the capital, Khartoum, and its outskirts. Along with them came their traditions, culture, and rituals, including dances like Karnak and Kambala, as well as wrestling. The latter gained widespread popularity as a sport, leading to the establishment of several wrestling arenas in places like Haj Yousif (East Nile) and Abu Hamad (Omdurman). These arenas now host diverse audiences of Sudanese and foreigners twice a week to enjoy and cheer on the matches.
The transformation of wrestling from a cultural practice to a sport brought changes to some of its rules and the way wrestlers (known as “Knights” in the Nuba Mountains) adorn themselves. Wrestling now operates under established laws and regulations. Additionally, the Sudanese Wrestling Federation was established to oversee the sport. Players began affiliating with clubs rather than the tribal groups from which they originated.
Due to the notable similarities between Sudanese wrestling and Japanese sumo wrestling, Sudanese arenas have, on several occasions, seen participation from Japanese individuals, including the Japanese diplomat Yasuhiro Morotatsu.
In March 2022, the fifth national wrestling championship concluded in the city of Khashm al-Qirba (Kassala State). The event, first organized by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in 2017 in Khartoum, has since become an annual gathering hosted by various states, including Gedaref, Kassala, Blue Nile, and again in Kassala in March 2022. The championship was held under the slogan, "Through Wrestling, We Strengthen Peace," with six states participating: South Kordofan, White Nile, Gedaref, Khartoum, Red Sea, and Kassala. However, West and North Kordofan, Sennar, Northern State, and Blue Nile apologised for not taking part.
International Participation
In recent years, the Sudanese national wrestling team has participated in several African and Arab championships, achieving a notable number of titles and medals. The team won two bronze medals at the African Championship in Nigeria in 2018 and five additional medals at the Arab Championship in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt. The team further enhanced its experience and international participation, culminating in winning 12 medals at the 2019 Arab Championship and the Ibrahim Mustafa International Tournament.
Last May marked a new breakthrough for Sudanese wrestling on the international stage. Sudanese wrestler Patricia Saif al-Din, the first female wrestler to compete in an international tournament, achieved third place and won a bronze medal in the 68 kg category at the African Championship held in Morocco, which featured participants from 34 countries.
It is worth noting that Patricia is one of many women who have joined wrestling through the Talent Discovery Project, a programme organized in partnership with the International Olympic Committee and international federations. The Wrestling Federation benefited from this initiative in 2018, with Patricia securing one of the top positions in the programme and further participated in the Paris 2024 Olympics.
A New Generation
The rise of wrestling and its appeal across all age groups has emphasized the need for institutions to nurture and train young talents of both genders. To this end, the Wrestling Federation has been organizing martial arts training sessions for boys and girls aged 7–19, aiming to develop the sport by providing the necessary skills and education.
The fifth session of the Martial Arts School Project was held before the war, targeting school students. Around 150 boys and girls from Unity National Schools (East Nile) participated. The project is implemented by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in partnership with the International Center for Martial Arts (South Korea) and under the sponsorship of UNESCO.
The spread of wrestling and its transformation from a social and ritual activity tied to harvest celebrations in the Nuba Mountains into a widely-followed sport across Sudan showcases the value of cultural exchange. It highlights the openness of cultures to one another and the intermingling of traditions.
The video shows footage of the 2020 Nuba festival held in Khartoum, the festival included traditional dancing and traditional Nuba wrestling, a popular sports that attracts hundreds of people every week to watch. Filmed by Snoop for the Western Sudan Community Museums project
Cover picture: Every Friday, Sudanese wrestling takes place between Nubian and South Sudanese tribes in Haj Yousif © Mohammed Osman, Khartoum
How Sudanese Wrestling Transformed from a Cultural Ritual in the Nuba Mountains to a Popular National Sport
By: Mujahid Al-Doma
Originally published by (Beam Reports) in 01/12/2022
At first glance, when you hear the cheers and chants of the crowd, you might think you’re at a football match. However, as you get closer to the arena surrounded by enthusiastic spectators, the scene becomes clear. Two wrestlers stand in the middle of a sand-covered ring, grappling with their hands, striving to bring the other down to win a round of Sudanese wrestling, known as Al-Sira’a.
Wrestling (Al-Sira’a) has deep roots in the South Kordofan region (Nuba Mountains), where it originated as a cultural practice and an integral part of the identity of various tribal groups, with additional social and economic dimensions.
Initially, wrestling was associated with celebrations and festivals held during the harvest season, from August to December each year. These events often featured artistic performances by the wrestlers before their matches. As part of the tradition, each tribal group trained its young wrestlers, ensuring they followed a comprehensive diet (including fresh milk, meat, honey, and sesame) to prepare them for competing against wrestlers from other tribes.
New Arenas
Due to the repeated civil wars in Sudan, which affected South Kordofan, many people began migrating in the 1970s, seeking safety and new opportunities. This movement brought displaced populations to other states, particularly the capital, Khartoum, and its outskirts. Along with them came their traditions, culture, and rituals, including dances like Karnak and Kambala, as well as wrestling. The latter gained widespread popularity as a sport, leading to the establishment of several wrestling arenas in places like Haj Yousif (East Nile) and Abu Hamad (Omdurman). These arenas now host diverse audiences of Sudanese and foreigners twice a week to enjoy and cheer on the matches.
The transformation of wrestling from a cultural practice to a sport brought changes to some of its rules and the way wrestlers (known as “Knights” in the Nuba Mountains) adorn themselves. Wrestling now operates under established laws and regulations. Additionally, the Sudanese Wrestling Federation was established to oversee the sport. Players began affiliating with clubs rather than the tribal groups from which they originated.
Due to the notable similarities between Sudanese wrestling and Japanese sumo wrestling, Sudanese arenas have, on several occasions, seen participation from Japanese individuals, including the Japanese diplomat Yasuhiro Morotatsu.
In March 2022, the fifth national wrestling championship concluded in the city of Khashm al-Qirba (Kassala State). The event, first organized by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in 2017 in Khartoum, has since become an annual gathering hosted by various states, including Gedaref, Kassala, Blue Nile, and again in Kassala in March 2022. The championship was held under the slogan, "Through Wrestling, We Strengthen Peace," with six states participating: South Kordofan, White Nile, Gedaref, Khartoum, Red Sea, and Kassala. However, West and North Kordofan, Sennar, Northern State, and Blue Nile apologised for not taking part.
International Participation
In recent years, the Sudanese national wrestling team has participated in several African and Arab championships, achieving a notable number of titles and medals. The team won two bronze medals at the African Championship in Nigeria in 2018 and five additional medals at the Arab Championship in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt. The team further enhanced its experience and international participation, culminating in winning 12 medals at the 2019 Arab Championship and the Ibrahim Mustafa International Tournament.
Last May marked a new breakthrough for Sudanese wrestling on the international stage. Sudanese wrestler Patricia Saif al-Din, the first female wrestler to compete in an international tournament, achieved third place and won a bronze medal in the 68 kg category at the African Championship held in Morocco, which featured participants from 34 countries.
It is worth noting that Patricia is one of many women who have joined wrestling through the Talent Discovery Project, a programme organized in partnership with the International Olympic Committee and international federations. The Wrestling Federation benefited from this initiative in 2018, with Patricia securing one of the top positions in the programme and further participated in the Paris 2024 Olympics.
A New Generation
The rise of wrestling and its appeal across all age groups has emphasized the need for institutions to nurture and train young talents of both genders. To this end, the Wrestling Federation has been organizing martial arts training sessions for boys and girls aged 7–19, aiming to develop the sport by providing the necessary skills and education.
The fifth session of the Martial Arts School Project was held before the war, targeting school students. Around 150 boys and girls from Unity National Schools (East Nile) participated. The project is implemented by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in partnership with the International Center for Martial Arts (South Korea) and under the sponsorship of UNESCO.
The spread of wrestling and its transformation from a social and ritual activity tied to harvest celebrations in the Nuba Mountains into a widely-followed sport across Sudan showcases the value of cultural exchange. It highlights the openness of cultures to one another and the intermingling of traditions.
The video shows footage of the 2020 Nuba festival held in Khartoum, the festival included traditional dancing and traditional Nuba wrestling, a popular sports that attracts hundreds of people every week to watch. Filmed by Snoop for the Western Sudan Community Museums project
Cover picture: Every Friday, Sudanese wrestling takes place between Nubian and South Sudanese tribes in Haj Yousif © Mohammed Osman, Khartoum
Al Shoura Court
Al Shoura Court
Al Shoura Court
The Shoura Court is one of the most significant places in Al Khalifa Abdulla's house. It was where he daily consulted and exchanged views with the senior leaders of the Mahdiya state. In the state, Shoura (mutual consultation) was the customary way of making decisions. The Shoura court was also where the Shoura Council meetings took place. Several rooms attached to the court served these purposes, including guest rooms, rooms for the ministers, and an upper chamber for Al Khalifa’s personal retreat, his Khalwa.
Al Khalifa held annual meetings with members of the Shoura Council and the Majlis Al Hal Wal Aged, Council of Shariea, but emergency meetings could be called at any point. During the annual meetings, they discussed the most important matters and decisions of the Mahdiya state, as well as the nomination or removal of an Imam.
The Shoura Council comprised 46 members from every region of Sudan. Their chief duties were to provide consultation and advice to Al Khalifa and to take over his responsibilities in his absence. Sometimes there was an overlap in the Shoura Council’s authority with that of the Council of Shariea, which had 40 members: the Shoura Council selected thirty members and Al Khalifa ten members.
Administration of the Mahdiya State during the rule of Al Khalifa Abdullah
Following Imam Al Mahdi’s death, Al Khalifa Abdullah assumed leadership of the Mahdiya State. He did not fundamentally change the administrative foundation drawn up by Al Mahdi for the government. However, his longer rule meant he could focus on filling in the shortcomings and inconsistencies that appeared during the practical application of Al Mahdi’s plan.
Al Khalifa had the absolute authority to execute his judgment as he saw fit. He gave his brother Yagoub authority over police affairs, while the Judge of Islam had judicial authority. Al Khalifa relied on his Amirs in military matters and would meet daily with his senior advisors in the Shura Court to discuss the State’s affairs. He split the administration of the country into eight Amalat provinces, gave the title Amil (Governor) to the ruler of each province, and the title Amir to the commander of the army stationed there.
Al Khalifa divided the Amalat provinces into two types:
Military Amala, on the outskirts of the states, governed by military leaders, and the main line of defence against invasion.
Urban Amala, as the central prefectures ruled by Al Khalifa Abdullah, and supervised by civil officials.
Al Khalifa monitored the management of the Amalat using the postal system. He assigned to each Amil several Amirs to help lead and maintain their army, together with several tax collectors and a few confidential clerks who could correspond discreetly. When a crisis occurred, Al Khalifa Abdullah would send a delegation from the Trustees Council to investigate and solve it. Although Al Khalifa did not visit the Amalat, he would hold meetings on set dates during the festivals of Rajabiya (27 Rajab), Eid Al Adha, and Eid Al Fitr to keep himself informed of their affairs and to receive reports and consultations.
Cover picture: Shura Court © Khalifa House museum
Al Shoura Court
The Shoura Court is one of the most significant places in Al Khalifa Abdulla's house. It was where he daily consulted and exchanged views with the senior leaders of the Mahdiya state. In the state, Shoura (mutual consultation) was the customary way of making decisions. The Shoura court was also where the Shoura Council meetings took place. Several rooms attached to the court served these purposes, including guest rooms, rooms for the ministers, and an upper chamber for Al Khalifa’s personal retreat, his Khalwa.
Al Khalifa held annual meetings with members of the Shoura Council and the Majlis Al Hal Wal Aged, Council of Shariea, but emergency meetings could be called at any point. During the annual meetings, they discussed the most important matters and decisions of the Mahdiya state, as well as the nomination or removal of an Imam.
The Shoura Council comprised 46 members from every region of Sudan. Their chief duties were to provide consultation and advice to Al Khalifa and to take over his responsibilities in his absence. Sometimes there was an overlap in the Shoura Council’s authority with that of the Council of Shariea, which had 40 members: the Shoura Council selected thirty members and Al Khalifa ten members.
Administration of the Mahdiya State during the rule of Al Khalifa Abdullah
Following Imam Al Mahdi’s death, Al Khalifa Abdullah assumed leadership of the Mahdiya State. He did not fundamentally change the administrative foundation drawn up by Al Mahdi for the government. However, his longer rule meant he could focus on filling in the shortcomings and inconsistencies that appeared during the practical application of Al Mahdi’s plan.
Al Khalifa had the absolute authority to execute his judgment as he saw fit. He gave his brother Yagoub authority over police affairs, while the Judge of Islam had judicial authority. Al Khalifa relied on his Amirs in military matters and would meet daily with his senior advisors in the Shura Court to discuss the State’s affairs. He split the administration of the country into eight Amalat provinces, gave the title Amil (Governor) to the ruler of each province, and the title Amir to the commander of the army stationed there.
Al Khalifa divided the Amalat provinces into two types:
Military Amala, on the outskirts of the states, governed by military leaders, and the main line of defence against invasion.
Urban Amala, as the central prefectures ruled by Al Khalifa Abdullah, and supervised by civil officials.
Al Khalifa monitored the management of the Amalat using the postal system. He assigned to each Amil several Amirs to help lead and maintain their army, together with several tax collectors and a few confidential clerks who could correspond discreetly. When a crisis occurred, Al Khalifa Abdullah would send a delegation from the Trustees Council to investigate and solve it. Although Al Khalifa did not visit the Amalat, he would hold meetings on set dates during the festivals of Rajabiya (27 Rajab), Eid Al Adha, and Eid Al Fitr to keep himself informed of their affairs and to receive reports and consultations.
Cover picture: Shura Court © Khalifa House museum
Al Shoura Court
The Shoura Court is one of the most significant places in Al Khalifa Abdulla's house. It was where he daily consulted and exchanged views with the senior leaders of the Mahdiya state. In the state, Shoura (mutual consultation) was the customary way of making decisions. The Shoura court was also where the Shoura Council meetings took place. Several rooms attached to the court served these purposes, including guest rooms, rooms for the ministers, and an upper chamber for Al Khalifa’s personal retreat, his Khalwa.
Al Khalifa held annual meetings with members of the Shoura Council and the Majlis Al Hal Wal Aged, Council of Shariea, but emergency meetings could be called at any point. During the annual meetings, they discussed the most important matters and decisions of the Mahdiya state, as well as the nomination or removal of an Imam.
The Shoura Council comprised 46 members from every region of Sudan. Their chief duties were to provide consultation and advice to Al Khalifa and to take over his responsibilities in his absence. Sometimes there was an overlap in the Shoura Council’s authority with that of the Council of Shariea, which had 40 members: the Shoura Council selected thirty members and Al Khalifa ten members.
Administration of the Mahdiya State during the rule of Al Khalifa Abdullah
Following Imam Al Mahdi’s death, Al Khalifa Abdullah assumed leadership of the Mahdiya State. He did not fundamentally change the administrative foundation drawn up by Al Mahdi for the government. However, his longer rule meant he could focus on filling in the shortcomings and inconsistencies that appeared during the practical application of Al Mahdi’s plan.
Al Khalifa had the absolute authority to execute his judgment as he saw fit. He gave his brother Yagoub authority over police affairs, while the Judge of Islam had judicial authority. Al Khalifa relied on his Amirs in military matters and would meet daily with his senior advisors in the Shura Court to discuss the State’s affairs. He split the administration of the country into eight Amalat provinces, gave the title Amil (Governor) to the ruler of each province, and the title Amir to the commander of the army stationed there.
Al Khalifa divided the Amalat provinces into two types:
Military Amala, on the outskirts of the states, governed by military leaders, and the main line of defence against invasion.
Urban Amala, as the central prefectures ruled by Al Khalifa Abdullah, and supervised by civil officials.
Al Khalifa monitored the management of the Amalat using the postal system. He assigned to each Amil several Amirs to help lead and maintain their army, together with several tax collectors and a few confidential clerks who could correspond discreetly. When a crisis occurred, Al Khalifa Abdullah would send a delegation from the Trustees Council to investigate and solve it. Although Al Khalifa did not visit the Amalat, he would hold meetings on set dates during the festivals of Rajabiya (27 Rajab), Eid Al Adha, and Eid Al Fitr to keep himself informed of their affairs and to receive reports and consultations.
Cover picture: Shura Court © Khalifa House museum
Tobacco pipe
Tobacco pipe
Tobacco pipe with a pottery bowel with wooden stem and copper mouthpiece. In the 1930s,
when this pipe was made, tobacco was one of the main non-food crops in the Nuba
mountains. It was principally smoked by elder men and women as a leisure activity. In
addition to goats, suitors gifted tobacco to the relatives of the bride and tobacco was often
distributed to initiated men at festivals and other important events.
Af1939,30.43
© The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-
NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.
Tobacco pipe with a pottery bowel with wooden stem and copper mouthpiece. In the 1930s,
when this pipe was made, tobacco was one of the main non-food crops in the Nuba
mountains. It was principally smoked by elder men and women as a leisure activity. In
addition to goats, suitors gifted tobacco to the relatives of the bride and tobacco was often
distributed to initiated men at festivals and other important events.
Af1939,30.43
© The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-
NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.
Tobacco pipe with a pottery bowel with wooden stem and copper mouthpiece. In the 1930s,
when this pipe was made, tobacco was one of the main non-food crops in the Nuba
mountains. It was principally smoked by elder men and women as a leisure activity. In
addition to goats, suitors gifted tobacco to the relatives of the bride and tobacco was often
distributed to initiated men at festivals and other important events.
Af1939,30.43
© The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-
NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.
Forms of Conflict Resolution and Wars in Sudan
Forms of Conflict Resolution and Wars in Sudan
Introduction
According to historical sources, Arabs entered Sudan before the arrival of Islam. The largest wave of Arab migration occurred following the Bugt Agreement of 652 AD between Muslim Arabs and the Nubians, towards whom the migrants were headed via the Nile from Egypt. Those who came to Sudan before Islam were renowned for their poetry which, being pre-Islamic is difficult to understand and has, here, been converted to prose:
Others have their civilisations but we are Bedouins. They have donkeys, while we have swords and good horses. If we raid those near us and find nothing to plunder, we raid those farther away. We even attack the firstborn of tribes who are our brothers if we find nothing to loot.
This poetic practice was common among Arab tribes in Sudan as wars and raids were prevalent for many years. The Sudanese have always been in awe of their Sufi holy men and have built shrines on their burial grounds. People believed that anyone who attacked the communities to which the holy men belonged would suffer illness, affliction, or death. Sudanese were therefore keen to demonstrate that their settlements were protected by the blessings of such men and sometimes even built shrines that did not contain a Sufi sheikh, to protect themselves against any possible attack.
Researcher Samir Mohamed Obaid says that in Sudan's history, before the Sultanate of Sennar, there was a period called the Qayman in which tribes would raid and steal each other’s camel herds. These raids were not considered theft but rather as an act of heroism. This was one of the main reasons why would claim noble lineage in relation to the Prophet Muhammad in order to evade these raids. The presence of a shrine became evidence of this lineage.
In this study, Anglo-Egyptian colonial powers created a Native Administration by appointing senior figures from various Arab tribes around Sudan. The Nazir, tribal chief, would arbitrate any disputes that arose among members of the tribe, whether with other members of the same tribe, or with those from other tribes. This was the norm in western Sudan, where Arab tribes were located, in central Sudan with the Jaliyin Arabs, and in the northern parts of central Sudan where the Rubatab, Manasir, and Shaigiya tribes had a Mak instead of a Nazir. In northernmost Sudan, the mayor, or Umdah, was in charge, while in eastern Sudan, the Beja had a Nazir. These leaders were responsible for waging and conducting wars.
Some of the wars in the history of Sudan have been documented, while others have not. There have been civil wars and wars with other countries, often arising from divisions within tribes. However, in many instances the warring sides sought peaceful solutions resulting in reconciliation between the belligerents.
In this research, we examine forms of war and conflict:
- Wars and reconciliations
- Wars of alliance
- Counter-wars and defensive wars
- Political Wars
We will study the following relevant groups:
- The Beja peoples
- The Bawadra (an Arab tribe)
- The Kawahla (an Arab tribe)
- The Shukriyya (an Arab tribe)
- The Batahin (an Arab tribe)
- The Taaysha (an Arab tribe)
Wars and reconciliation:
These were generally fostered by religious leaders. The Batahin tribes often fought against the Shukriyya, notably in conflicts such as the Battle of Mandara (171 AD), which took place in the Faw region. Subsequent battles included Ab-Haba, Al-Hajar, and Unwaan. Among the elders of the Batahin, there were those who were keen on maintaining peaceful relations between the Batahin and the Shukriyya. One such figure was Sheikh Abd-al-Bagi, a religious elder from the Batahin. He mediated peace between them in 1807 AD through treaties made between himself and the sons of Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin. Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin was the chief of the Butana region and governor of Khartoum and Sennar at the time. It is noticeable that this treaty was agreed very later on.
Wars of alliance:
Sheikh Birayr of the Batahin tribe had launched a raid on Karama, in the northernmost part of the Butana region. The Kawahla had prepared for their war against Sheikh Birayr a warrior named Muhammad al-Milejabi, who was tasked with recruiting Beja warriors in order to form an alliance in order to eradicate Birayr’s army and to arrest and kill the Sheikh. Al-Milejabi remained with the Amarar branch of the Beja in the Balk region for two years during which he selected strong fighters. These later joined forces, forming a united army to fight Sheikh Birayr whom they later captured and killed. Muhammad al-Milejabi cut off Birayrs hands and presented them to a woman named Shagnaba from a tribe who had fought alongside the Kawahla. The researcher, Al-Tayib Muhammad al-Tayib notes that numerous tribes coexisted with the Shukryyia in the Butana region, including the Batahin, Kawahla, and Rikabiyya and that several wars broke out between these tribes during the early part of the 16th century AD. This included the alliance between the Funj and Rikabiyya who clashed with the Shukriyya, led by their warrior Abu Ali. There were 4,000 of the allies compared to a small number of Shukriyya. However, the latter were able to kill the leaders of the alliance, Idris Wad al-Zaki and Karanka Abu Sin Duf, at the beginning of the battle, thereby securing victory for the Shukriyya.
The Beja lived alongside the Shukriyya in the Butana region, spread along the eastern banks of the Atbara River. In the battle of Rerah in 1744 AD, The Beja formed an alliance with the Shukriyya to fight the Batahin, and prepared to attack. As a result, the leader of the Batahin army, Al-Tikayt, retreated with his army to a distant land, far away from the Shukriyya, known as Abu Dilayg, east of present-day Khartoum.
Under the title ‘Relationships between Tribes,’ researchers Abd-al-Qadr Awad-al-Karim Hassan and Omar Abd-al-Rahim Kabosh, in their book ‘A Pause with the Poets of Butana’ state that the relationships between the tribes of the Butana plain are strong and well-established, governed by tribal custom, and that conflicts or hostilities are rare and that when such disputes arise, tribal leaders usually intervene to reconcile and restore harmony.
The tribes of the Butana region are nomadic by nature and are mostly herders of camels, sheep and goats. Conflict therefore often arises over competition for resources such as pastures, valleys, and sources of water and expanding one’s territory to secure more pasture lands has always been a cause of conflict. In addition, these wars often stemmed from a sense of tribal pride and perceived distinctions. In ancient times, disputes were resolved through tribal affiliation, which persisted until the establishment of the New Halfa agricultural project which transformed them from nomadic tribes to settled agricultural communities.
Wars and counter-wars means that one tribe fights another tribe or entity, and this conflict is followed by a counter-war, until one party stops fighting and does not return to it. We previously mentioned that the Beja had settled along the course of the Atbara River, east of the Butana region. This land was not owned by any entity however, in 1791, the Shukriyya leader, Awad-al-Karim Abu-Sin, claimed the Butana region as his own and gave himself the right to determine who could settle there and who could be displaced. The Sultan of the Funj, Badi Wad Dikaym reinforced Abu-Sin’s right.
The Beja, who were warriors, clashed with the Shukriyya over their attempt to displace them from the banks of the Atbara River. A branch of the Shukriyya known as the Turgab, the sons of Hamad al-Atarag, emerged as some of the fiercest fighters and military leaders in the Butana region to the extent that it is said that most of them perished in wars, with only two families remaining today.
The Beja fighters began the war but where defeated in their earlier battles with the Shukriyya. However, when they entered into war again, the Turgab had given leadership of their troops to a strong war veteran called Wad-al-Bashir who was described by one of their poets as follows:
Wad-al-Bashir rose up and crossed the river swimming
Heading towards their ranks, pointing like the fronds of a dom palm
The Beja who could every day muster an army
Wad-al-Bashir forced them to submit and be occupied only with their prayers and fasting
The meaning here is that Wad-al-Bashir set out towards the Beja east of the river that was in full spate and did his worst. The Beja had, until then, been sending an army to fight the Shukriyya every day however, Wad-al-Bashir’s crushing victory forced Beja to live a life of seclusion, praying and fasting to Allah never to wage war again.
An example of war and counter-war was between the Bawadra and the Qinan, both tribes from the Butana region. The researcher Yasir Abdallah Abd-al-Rahim al-Khalifa referred to the conflict between these two tribes as the ‘War of the Whips.’ He says that what sparked this conflict was an incident when a member of the Qinan cut off the tail of an ox belonging to one of the Bawadra women. The woman mourned the loss of her ox’s tail and swore not to eat with her right hand until she saw what the Bawadra warriors would do about what the Qinan youth had done to her ox. This was a longstanding Arab custom, urging warriors to seek revenge and to put right the wrong done to them.
When the Bawadra warriors mobilized to confront the Qinan, the warrior Wad Bilelah swore that the Bawadra should only use whips, rather than swords, to discipline the Qinan. And so, they approached the Qinan whips in hand, thus mocking and ridiculing the Qinan who were known for their bravery and strength. The following war unfolded in two stages namely The Battle of the Whips and the Battle of Swords and Heroes.
During the first stage, the Bawadra used whips, providing a golden opportunity for the Qinan, who had prepared themselves to face the Bawadra warriors with their swords. When the time for battle came, the Qinan warriors were surprised the Bawadra were armed only with whips. Within hours, the Qinan warriors advanced killing many of the Bawadra warriors and were on the brink of victory had the remaining Bawadra not used their opponents’ swords against them. That day the Bawadra learned the lesson and that as a result of their overconfidence and contempt of others, they had nearly paralysed their own army. At this stage of the war, the Bawadra sustained heavy losses with many of their warriors being killed as a result of this irresponsible action.
In the second stage of this war, the Bawadra from the western Blue Nile, led by the warrior Ain Bur, arrived with other branches of the Bawadra tribe such as the Bayada, Mashala, and Dabasin, among others. The warrior Ain Bur vowed to completely annihilate the Qinan tribe, and he did so, wiping them out entirely, sparing only women and children. After this, battles occurred at locations such as Al-Sada and Al-Rikabiyyah and Malwiya. Thus, the Qinan tribe was dispersed across eastern Sudan and Eritrea, leaving only a small number who now inhabit the Butana Beja regions.
Yet despite history of the Butana region stating that it was customary for tribes in this region to settle disputes or raids through self-regulation and peace agreements, we observe that this custom did not exist during earlier wars particularly from the 16th to the 18th century. The latter period, particularly under Ahmad Bey Abu Sin, was marked by relentless raids and warfare in the Butana region, with no room for negotiation or peace, only violence and control.
In the context of wars involving the Ajawid (elders), we note Gald al-Beja a custom prevalent in the lands of the Beja. These peoples are made up of four main groups; most notably the Beja, with its numerous subsections; the Beni Amir; the Halanga; and the Basharyin. The term Beja refers to all these tribes and their subsections. Gald al-Beja describes the group of Ajawid elders who sit with both sides to resolve any dispute that may erupt in their lands even if it is murder. The term Gald means the meeting to enforce a binding resolution to a dispute, that may not be rejected by any party present. In his dictionary of the Sudanese colloquial dialect, Dr Awn Alsharif Qasim defines Ajawid as those who mediate between disputing parties to resolve a conflict peacefully. This is an excellent definition.
Two notable Beja wars included the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Kimaylab and the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Nabatab. Despite the many wars among the Beja tribes and their subgroups, Qasim states that he would prefer not to dwell on these so as not to revive old enmity. Perhaps he believed that remembering these wars would stir up old animosities. However, it is certain that all manner of Beja disputes was governed by the Gald practice.
Meanwhile, the Bawadra entered into two major wars after their long conflict with the Qinan including the War of Al-Hajiz, a location between Khashm al-Girba and Kasala and the war of Al-Malwiya, which took place in the same location.
According to Qasim, a small railway station on a rail line connecting to Port Sudan saw bloodshed spilled as if it were the ‘damira’ meaning the Nile flooding. This conflict was mediated by the Rikabiyya, a group of holy men spread-out across Sudan.
Political wars are often initiated by sultans and rulers. Their objectives is to bring the warring group into submission and peace, as we will see. The war we begin with is the war between the Ham Arab of the Humur and the Maaliya. This began when the Maaliya Arabs intercepted a caravan travelling from Egypt to Darfur, killing the traders who were carrying textiles and sugar belonging to the sultan. Sultan Hussein, who ruled Dar al-Nur between 1829 and 1874, was enraged and summoned Sheikh Maki Walad Munim, leader of the Humur Arabs, saying ‘I give you permission to spill the blood and seize the wealth of the Maaliya.’ Sheikh Maki gathered his men and allies and launched a bloody attack that resulted in a victory for the Humur Arabs and the sultan. This was the Battle of Al-Qurtas, named after the small conical paper containers used to carry the sugar.
In 1821, Ismail Pasha, the son of Egypt's Khedive Muhammad Ali Pasha, invaded Sudan with his troops advancing until they reached the Funj Sultanate. The Funj ruler, Muhammad Wad Adlan, surrendered and submitted to Ismail Pasha, who then took control of Sudan. Upon returning to Egypt in 1822, Ismail Pasha arrived in the lands of the Jaliyyin, where the Mak Nimir had made plans to kill him. At the centre of a large gathering, Ismail Pasha sat with his entourage, demanding cattle and wealth to emphasise the Mak’s submission. Mak Nimir had surrounded the council with firewood and positioned his warriors to attack. When the fire was ignited, his warriors attacked, killing Ismail Pasha and his retinue by burning them alive. Mak Nimir then fled to Ethiopia with his family. This led to the devastating defeat of the Jaliyyin at the hands of the Diftirdar representatives of the Egyptian authorities.
This conflict was later reignited by Khalifa Abdullah al-Tayshi after the death of Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi in 1885. Al-Tayshi, who was the Mahdi’s successor, faced resistance from the Mahdi’s family, who claimed they were more entitled to the leadership and were Ashraaf, or descendants of the Prophet Muhammad’s lineage. This led to the struggle known as the Khalifa against Al-Ashraaf following the Mahdi’s death and which was essentially a power struggle—who was more rightful to lead the Mahdist state: the Sharifs due to their familial ties to Al-Mahdi, or the Khalifa, who held the second-highest position in the state during the Mahdi’s lifetime.
The Khalifa Abdullah mobilised the capital of the Mahdist state Omdurman and ordered his kin, the Taysha, and other worriers from tribes in Darfur, to arrest the rebellious Ashraaf. The Khalifa imprisoned all them, thus consolidating his rule over the Mahdist state until the Battle of Karari following the invasion of Sudan in 1898 by the colonial Anglo-Egyptian forces. The Khalifa fled with his followers and was later killed in Um Dibaykarat.
Disputes Ending in Reconciliation
The first recorded war to end in reconciliation was the one sparked by Abdullah Ibn Abi Sarh against the Nubians in Dongola in northern Sudan in 652 AD. This war culminated in the signing of the "Baqt Agreement," which included three key clauses:
· Name of the Agreement: Baqt
· Arabs may pass through the land of Nubia (Sudan) but may not settle there and Nubians may pass through the land of the Arabs (Egypt, Arabian Peninsula) but may not settle there.
· Mosque Maintenance: The mosque built by Ibn Abi Sarh in Dongola is to be illuminated and maintained by the Nubians.
Historians have debated the authenticity of the Baqt Agreement, with some interpretations contradicting verified historical facts. For example, in Dr Awn Alsharif’s dictionary the term Baqt is recorded as Bagit meaning summit in the Nubian language of Dongola.
However, Arabs remained in Sudan in contravention of the agreement’s clauses, and Nubians migrated and settled in Arab lands. As for the mosque, archaeologists have concluded that it was a more modern structure containing the tomb of a sheikh whom they disinterred. These findings cast doubt on the historical existence of the Baqt Agreement, suggesting instead that mutual contributions from both sides resulted in reconciliation.
In western Sudan, wars have always broken out between the Arab tribes and between Arab tribes and those tribespeople of non-Arab origin. There have long been conflicts between the Salamat tribe (an Arab tribe) and other Arab tribes such as the Taysha, and between the Rizeigat against the Awlad Hin and the Kabbash against the Kawahla, who migrated to Kordofan. There have also been conflicts between the Hawazma tribe against the Nuba of the Nuba Mountains, and between Arab tribes and the Zaghawa people in northern Darfur—who are non-Arab. Similarly, there have been wars between the same tribes and the Masalit in northern Darfur. However, the important point is that the native administration in both Darfur and Kordofan, have a longstanding tradition of resolving wars peacefully through the intervention of senior native administrators to resolve differences between the warring sides.
The Madarna Mahas, who cohabited the land of the Butana with the Shukriyya fought wars against the Arab Rufaiyya tribe that lives along the bank of the Blue Nile, not far from the Madarna, east of the Rufaiyya. This dispute was over the borders between the warring groups. The Rufaiyya and Shukriyya, who inhabited the Blue Nile region to the southeast, eventually mediated a peace agreement between the warring parties. The peace settlement stipulated that they would share the borders on condition they lived together peacefully.
In the early period of their settlement in the land of the Butana under the Shukriya tribe, there was a war between the Madarna and the Shukriyya that never fully escalated. Both the Shukriyya and Madarna warriors mobilized for battle, but peace was quickly achieved through the mediation of a group of Shukriyya wise men, in particular their leader, Sheikh Abd-al-Hadi. The Madarna poet, Qasim Wad Attar, chronicled this war, saying:
With the Shukriyya, we have contracts and oaths,
Except for those driven by self-interest – they are ancestors to none.
Riders of hardship in the darkest night,
Their bravest among the crowd, never turns away from the poor.
After the Nubians were forcibly displaced from northern Sudan to the Butana region between 1963–1964, their villages consisted of plots of agricultural land measuring 15 acres designated specifically for crops like peanuts and cotton, which they were unaccustomed to. To overcome this challenge, they relied on the agricultural expertise of migrant workers who moved to the New Halfa Agricultural Project. These migrant workers came from West Africa and Darfur but also included Nubians. Conflicts arose as follows:
A Nubian killed a West African migrant over a farming dispute, leading to threats of war. However, the Nubians sought a peaceful resolution, and through mediation, they agreed to pay compensation (blood money) of 5 pounds per household to all 26 villages, amounting to 250 pounds per village. The affected villages in New Halfa boycotted farming, claiming they had worked on these plots for 35 years and deserved ownership. Disputes arose over compensation demands, particularly from Zaghawa laborers from Chad and Darfur, who sought a total of 32,500 pounds. The Nubians paid this amount in 1991 without involving the police or courts and the peace has thus been kept until this day.
In 2010, another conflict occurred involving migrant workers from Libya over the same farm plots. The residents of Village 10 resisted their claims which escalated the situation and resulted in the killing of farm workers in front of the village mosque, with the remainder fleeing the village. The residents of the neighbouring village were on the brink of intervening, but mediators stepped in. Three mediators from Khartoum were summoned to New Halfa, where negotiations took place. Ultimately, the mediators facilitated a resolution where the Zaghawa paid 65,000 pounds in compensation for the two killed workers, allowing work to continue.
Forms of Peace and Reconciliation
The political authority in Sudan traditionally viewed the country as divided into two regions, the North, predominantly Muslim, and the South, predominantly Christian. The separation of the South in 2011 resulted in a predominantly Muslim state in the North. In the case of a dispute—whether this involved murder, border conflicts, land disputes, or conflicts over grazing rights—the resolution typically followed one of the following:The Koran, Hadith, Islamic Sharia, tribal customs (urf) and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh).
These usually applied to Sudan’s Arabs particularly in the desert regions of the East and West. However, the conflict between Muslim Arabs and Christian Nubians, and the consequent Baqt agreement in 652 AD, remains an exception.
The Ajawid are considered men of knowledge who mediate disputes fairly and play a significant role in resolving conflicts. They, along with tribal leaders, religious figures, and native administrators, often intervene in public matters such as disputes or conflicts. Tribal leaders, religious scholars, and Sufi holy men are held in high esteem by everyone and their opinions are adhered to.
The majority of Sudanese adhere to the Maliki school of Islamic jurisprudence, while those in the far East adhere to the Shafi school, with some following the Hanafi school. Fiqh (Islamic legal reasoning) is less frequently used as a source of mediation, as its application varies among the four major Islamic schools.
In instances where there is a desire to reconcile, individuals are appointed to mediate, and meetings are convened. Tribal leaders are often called upon for larger disputes like wars or murder, while smaller conflicts, such as boundary or grazing disputes, are handled without their direct involvement. The Ajawid often play a central role in organizing and conducting these negotiations, with tribal customs being a guiding factor.
In these meetings, delegates are chosen to facilitate the process, with larger delegations enhancing their authority. In Darfur and Kordofan, the Hakama (poet-mediators) play an important role in easing tensions through spoken word, which helps bridge the gap between conflicting parties. Their role is significant, as they often offer persuasive and reasoned arguments.
Several methods are employed in conflict resolution including inviting the disputants to a specific location on a set date, a tribal leader mediating between the parties, delegates chosen by both sides to negotiate and agree upon a time and location.
The process often begins with a Koranic citation by a religious figure emphasizing verses that promote peace and reconciliation such as "and we have made you peoples and tribes so that you may know one another" or “and if they incline towards peace, then incline to it as well” or “peace be upon you, a word from a Merciful God.”
After the religious readings, a Sufi invocation may follow focussing on peace and unity. The mediators then introduce the Hakama to say her piece and then it is their turn to convey the message they have agreed upon beforehand. Disputants listen respectfully, either agreeing or rejecting what is said in a courteous manner. In all cases, mediators are known for their wisdom and experience in persuading others. If a consensus is reached, a ritual involving the slaughter of livestock as a sacrifice typically follows and is offered by the host to the guests involved. Since it is a given that all parties are Muslim, those gathered always arrive at the conclusion that peace is the best outcome and verses of the Koran and supplications invoking peace are read out. However, in the case of murder, blood money (diyya) is often negotiated and paid, typically facilitated by religious figures and Sufi leaders.
Cover picture: Court is in session, with the judges sitting in a row, El Fasher, 1950 © Durham Sudan archive
Introduction
According to historical sources, Arabs entered Sudan before the arrival of Islam. The largest wave of Arab migration occurred following the Bugt Agreement of 652 AD between Muslim Arabs and the Nubians, towards whom the migrants were headed via the Nile from Egypt. Those who came to Sudan before Islam were renowned for their poetry which, being pre-Islamic is difficult to understand and has, here, been converted to prose:
Others have their civilisations but we are Bedouins. They have donkeys, while we have swords and good horses. If we raid those near us and find nothing to plunder, we raid those farther away. We even attack the firstborn of tribes who are our brothers if we find nothing to loot.
This poetic practice was common among Arab tribes in Sudan as wars and raids were prevalent for many years. The Sudanese have always been in awe of their Sufi holy men and have built shrines on their burial grounds. People believed that anyone who attacked the communities to which the holy men belonged would suffer illness, affliction, or death. Sudanese were therefore keen to demonstrate that their settlements were protected by the blessings of such men and sometimes even built shrines that did not contain a Sufi sheikh, to protect themselves against any possible attack.
Researcher Samir Mohamed Obaid says that in Sudan's history, before the Sultanate of Sennar, there was a period called the Qayman in which tribes would raid and steal each other’s camel herds. These raids were not considered theft but rather as an act of heroism. This was one of the main reasons why would claim noble lineage in relation to the Prophet Muhammad in order to evade these raids. The presence of a shrine became evidence of this lineage.
In this study, Anglo-Egyptian colonial powers created a Native Administration by appointing senior figures from various Arab tribes around Sudan. The Nazir, tribal chief, would arbitrate any disputes that arose among members of the tribe, whether with other members of the same tribe, or with those from other tribes. This was the norm in western Sudan, where Arab tribes were located, in central Sudan with the Jaliyin Arabs, and in the northern parts of central Sudan where the Rubatab, Manasir, and Shaigiya tribes had a Mak instead of a Nazir. In northernmost Sudan, the mayor, or Umdah, was in charge, while in eastern Sudan, the Beja had a Nazir. These leaders were responsible for waging and conducting wars.
Some of the wars in the history of Sudan have been documented, while others have not. There have been civil wars and wars with other countries, often arising from divisions within tribes. However, in many instances the warring sides sought peaceful solutions resulting in reconciliation between the belligerents.
In this research, we examine forms of war and conflict:
- Wars and reconciliations
- Wars of alliance
- Counter-wars and defensive wars
- Political Wars
We will study the following relevant groups:
- The Beja peoples
- The Bawadra (an Arab tribe)
- The Kawahla (an Arab tribe)
- The Shukriyya (an Arab tribe)
- The Batahin (an Arab tribe)
- The Taaysha (an Arab tribe)
Wars and reconciliation:
These were generally fostered by religious leaders. The Batahin tribes often fought against the Shukriyya, notably in conflicts such as the Battle of Mandara (171 AD), which took place in the Faw region. Subsequent battles included Ab-Haba, Al-Hajar, and Unwaan. Among the elders of the Batahin, there were those who were keen on maintaining peaceful relations between the Batahin and the Shukriyya. One such figure was Sheikh Abd-al-Bagi, a religious elder from the Batahin. He mediated peace between them in 1807 AD through treaties made between himself and the sons of Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin. Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin was the chief of the Butana region and governor of Khartoum and Sennar at the time. It is noticeable that this treaty was agreed very later on.
Wars of alliance:
Sheikh Birayr of the Batahin tribe had launched a raid on Karama, in the northernmost part of the Butana region. The Kawahla had prepared for their war against Sheikh Birayr a warrior named Muhammad al-Milejabi, who was tasked with recruiting Beja warriors in order to form an alliance in order to eradicate Birayr’s army and to arrest and kill the Sheikh. Al-Milejabi remained with the Amarar branch of the Beja in the Balk region for two years during which he selected strong fighters. These later joined forces, forming a united army to fight Sheikh Birayr whom they later captured and killed. Muhammad al-Milejabi cut off Birayrs hands and presented them to a woman named Shagnaba from a tribe who had fought alongside the Kawahla. The researcher, Al-Tayib Muhammad al-Tayib notes that numerous tribes coexisted with the Shukryyia in the Butana region, including the Batahin, Kawahla, and Rikabiyya and that several wars broke out between these tribes during the early part of the 16th century AD. This included the alliance between the Funj and Rikabiyya who clashed with the Shukriyya, led by their warrior Abu Ali. There were 4,000 of the allies compared to a small number of Shukriyya. However, the latter were able to kill the leaders of the alliance, Idris Wad al-Zaki and Karanka Abu Sin Duf, at the beginning of the battle, thereby securing victory for the Shukriyya.
The Beja lived alongside the Shukriyya in the Butana region, spread along the eastern banks of the Atbara River. In the battle of Rerah in 1744 AD, The Beja formed an alliance with the Shukriyya to fight the Batahin, and prepared to attack. As a result, the leader of the Batahin army, Al-Tikayt, retreated with his army to a distant land, far away from the Shukriyya, known as Abu Dilayg, east of present-day Khartoum.
Under the title ‘Relationships between Tribes,’ researchers Abd-al-Qadr Awad-al-Karim Hassan and Omar Abd-al-Rahim Kabosh, in their book ‘A Pause with the Poets of Butana’ state that the relationships between the tribes of the Butana plain are strong and well-established, governed by tribal custom, and that conflicts or hostilities are rare and that when such disputes arise, tribal leaders usually intervene to reconcile and restore harmony.
The tribes of the Butana region are nomadic by nature and are mostly herders of camels, sheep and goats. Conflict therefore often arises over competition for resources such as pastures, valleys, and sources of water and expanding one’s territory to secure more pasture lands has always been a cause of conflict. In addition, these wars often stemmed from a sense of tribal pride and perceived distinctions. In ancient times, disputes were resolved through tribal affiliation, which persisted until the establishment of the New Halfa agricultural project which transformed them from nomadic tribes to settled agricultural communities.
Wars and counter-wars means that one tribe fights another tribe or entity, and this conflict is followed by a counter-war, until one party stops fighting and does not return to it. We previously mentioned that the Beja had settled along the course of the Atbara River, east of the Butana region. This land was not owned by any entity however, in 1791, the Shukriyya leader, Awad-al-Karim Abu-Sin, claimed the Butana region as his own and gave himself the right to determine who could settle there and who could be displaced. The Sultan of the Funj, Badi Wad Dikaym reinforced Abu-Sin’s right.
The Beja, who were warriors, clashed with the Shukriyya over their attempt to displace them from the banks of the Atbara River. A branch of the Shukriyya known as the Turgab, the sons of Hamad al-Atarag, emerged as some of the fiercest fighters and military leaders in the Butana region to the extent that it is said that most of them perished in wars, with only two families remaining today.
The Beja fighters began the war but where defeated in their earlier battles with the Shukriyya. However, when they entered into war again, the Turgab had given leadership of their troops to a strong war veteran called Wad-al-Bashir who was described by one of their poets as follows:
Wad-al-Bashir rose up and crossed the river swimming
Heading towards their ranks, pointing like the fronds of a dom palm
The Beja who could every day muster an army
Wad-al-Bashir forced them to submit and be occupied only with their prayers and fasting
The meaning here is that Wad-al-Bashir set out towards the Beja east of the river that was in full spate and did his worst. The Beja had, until then, been sending an army to fight the Shukriyya every day however, Wad-al-Bashir’s crushing victory forced Beja to live a life of seclusion, praying and fasting to Allah never to wage war again.
An example of war and counter-war was between the Bawadra and the Qinan, both tribes from the Butana region. The researcher Yasir Abdallah Abd-al-Rahim al-Khalifa referred to the conflict between these two tribes as the ‘War of the Whips.’ He says that what sparked this conflict was an incident when a member of the Qinan cut off the tail of an ox belonging to one of the Bawadra women. The woman mourned the loss of her ox’s tail and swore not to eat with her right hand until she saw what the Bawadra warriors would do about what the Qinan youth had done to her ox. This was a longstanding Arab custom, urging warriors to seek revenge and to put right the wrong done to them.
When the Bawadra warriors mobilized to confront the Qinan, the warrior Wad Bilelah swore that the Bawadra should only use whips, rather than swords, to discipline the Qinan. And so, they approached the Qinan whips in hand, thus mocking and ridiculing the Qinan who were known for their bravery and strength. The following war unfolded in two stages namely The Battle of the Whips and the Battle of Swords and Heroes.
During the first stage, the Bawadra used whips, providing a golden opportunity for the Qinan, who had prepared themselves to face the Bawadra warriors with their swords. When the time for battle came, the Qinan warriors were surprised the Bawadra were armed only with whips. Within hours, the Qinan warriors advanced killing many of the Bawadra warriors and were on the brink of victory had the remaining Bawadra not used their opponents’ swords against them. That day the Bawadra learned the lesson and that as a result of their overconfidence and contempt of others, they had nearly paralysed their own army. At this stage of the war, the Bawadra sustained heavy losses with many of their warriors being killed as a result of this irresponsible action.
In the second stage of this war, the Bawadra from the western Blue Nile, led by the warrior Ain Bur, arrived with other branches of the Bawadra tribe such as the Bayada, Mashala, and Dabasin, among others. The warrior Ain Bur vowed to completely annihilate the Qinan tribe, and he did so, wiping them out entirely, sparing only women and children. After this, battles occurred at locations such as Al-Sada and Al-Rikabiyyah and Malwiya. Thus, the Qinan tribe was dispersed across eastern Sudan and Eritrea, leaving only a small number who now inhabit the Butana Beja regions.
Yet despite history of the Butana region stating that it was customary for tribes in this region to settle disputes or raids through self-regulation and peace agreements, we observe that this custom did not exist during earlier wars particularly from the 16th to the 18th century. The latter period, particularly under Ahmad Bey Abu Sin, was marked by relentless raids and warfare in the Butana region, with no room for negotiation or peace, only violence and control.
In the context of wars involving the Ajawid (elders), we note Gald al-Beja a custom prevalent in the lands of the Beja. These peoples are made up of four main groups; most notably the Beja, with its numerous subsections; the Beni Amir; the Halanga; and the Basharyin. The term Beja refers to all these tribes and their subsections. Gald al-Beja describes the group of Ajawid elders who sit with both sides to resolve any dispute that may erupt in their lands even if it is murder. The term Gald means the meeting to enforce a binding resolution to a dispute, that may not be rejected by any party present. In his dictionary of the Sudanese colloquial dialect, Dr Awn Alsharif Qasim defines Ajawid as those who mediate between disputing parties to resolve a conflict peacefully. This is an excellent definition.
Two notable Beja wars included the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Kimaylab and the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Nabatab. Despite the many wars among the Beja tribes and their subgroups, Qasim states that he would prefer not to dwell on these so as not to revive old enmity. Perhaps he believed that remembering these wars would stir up old animosities. However, it is certain that all manner of Beja disputes was governed by the Gald practice.
Meanwhile, the Bawadra entered into two major wars after their long conflict with the Qinan including the War of Al-Hajiz, a location between Khashm al-Girba and Kasala and the war of Al-Malwiya, which took place in the same location.
According to Qasim, a small railway station on a rail line connecting to Port Sudan saw bloodshed spilled as if it were the ‘damira’ meaning the Nile flooding. This conflict was mediated by the Rikabiyya, a group of holy men spread-out across Sudan.
Political wars are often initiated by sultans and rulers. Their objectives is to bring the warring group into submission and peace, as we will see. The war we begin with is the war between the Ham Arab of the Humur and the Maaliya. This began when the Maaliya Arabs intercepted a caravan travelling from Egypt to Darfur, killing the traders who were carrying textiles and sugar belonging to the sultan. Sultan Hussein, who ruled Dar al-Nur between 1829 and 1874, was enraged and summoned Sheikh Maki Walad Munim, leader of the Humur Arabs, saying ‘I give you permission to spill the blood and seize the wealth of the Maaliya.’ Sheikh Maki gathered his men and allies and launched a bloody attack that resulted in a victory for the Humur Arabs and the sultan. This was the Battle of Al-Qurtas, named after the small conical paper containers used to carry the sugar.
In 1821, Ismail Pasha, the son of Egypt's Khedive Muhammad Ali Pasha, invaded Sudan with his troops advancing until they reached the Funj Sultanate. The Funj ruler, Muhammad Wad Adlan, surrendered and submitted to Ismail Pasha, who then took control of Sudan. Upon returning to Egypt in 1822, Ismail Pasha arrived in the lands of the Jaliyyin, where the Mak Nimir had made plans to kill him. At the centre of a large gathering, Ismail Pasha sat with his entourage, demanding cattle and wealth to emphasise the Mak’s submission. Mak Nimir had surrounded the council with firewood and positioned his warriors to attack. When the fire was ignited, his warriors attacked, killing Ismail Pasha and his retinue by burning them alive. Mak Nimir then fled to Ethiopia with his family. This led to the devastating defeat of the Jaliyyin at the hands of the Diftirdar representatives of the Egyptian authorities.
This conflict was later reignited by Khalifa Abdullah al-Tayshi after the death of Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi in 1885. Al-Tayshi, who was the Mahdi’s successor, faced resistance from the Mahdi’s family, who claimed they were more entitled to the leadership and were Ashraaf, or descendants of the Prophet Muhammad’s lineage. This led to the struggle known as the Khalifa against Al-Ashraaf following the Mahdi’s death and which was essentially a power struggle—who was more rightful to lead the Mahdist state: the Sharifs due to their familial ties to Al-Mahdi, or the Khalifa, who held the second-highest position in the state during the Mahdi’s lifetime.
The Khalifa Abdullah mobilised the capital of the Mahdist state Omdurman and ordered his kin, the Taysha, and other worriers from tribes in Darfur, to arrest the rebellious Ashraaf. The Khalifa imprisoned all them, thus consolidating his rule over the Mahdist state until the Battle of Karari following the invasion of Sudan in 1898 by the colonial Anglo-Egyptian forces. The Khalifa fled with his followers and was later killed in Um Dibaykarat.
Disputes Ending in Reconciliation
The first recorded war to end in reconciliation was the one sparked by Abdullah Ibn Abi Sarh against the Nubians in Dongola in northern Sudan in 652 AD. This war culminated in the signing of the "Baqt Agreement," which included three key clauses:
· Name of the Agreement: Baqt
· Arabs may pass through the land of Nubia (Sudan) but may not settle there and Nubians may pass through the land of the Arabs (Egypt, Arabian Peninsula) but may not settle there.
· Mosque Maintenance: The mosque built by Ibn Abi Sarh in Dongola is to be illuminated and maintained by the Nubians.
Historians have debated the authenticity of the Baqt Agreement, with some interpretations contradicting verified historical facts. For example, in Dr Awn Alsharif’s dictionary the term Baqt is recorded as Bagit meaning summit in the Nubian language of Dongola.
However, Arabs remained in Sudan in contravention of the agreement’s clauses, and Nubians migrated and settled in Arab lands. As for the mosque, archaeologists have concluded that it was a more modern structure containing the tomb of a sheikh whom they disinterred. These findings cast doubt on the historical existence of the Baqt Agreement, suggesting instead that mutual contributions from both sides resulted in reconciliation.
In western Sudan, wars have always broken out between the Arab tribes and between Arab tribes and those tribespeople of non-Arab origin. There have long been conflicts between the Salamat tribe (an Arab tribe) and other Arab tribes such as the Taysha, and between the Rizeigat against the Awlad Hin and the Kabbash against the Kawahla, who migrated to Kordofan. There have also been conflicts between the Hawazma tribe against the Nuba of the Nuba Mountains, and between Arab tribes and the Zaghawa people in northern Darfur—who are non-Arab. Similarly, there have been wars between the same tribes and the Masalit in northern Darfur. However, the important point is that the native administration in both Darfur and Kordofan, have a longstanding tradition of resolving wars peacefully through the intervention of senior native administrators to resolve differences between the warring sides.
The Madarna Mahas, who cohabited the land of the Butana with the Shukriyya fought wars against the Arab Rufaiyya tribe that lives along the bank of the Blue Nile, not far from the Madarna, east of the Rufaiyya. This dispute was over the borders between the warring groups. The Rufaiyya and Shukriyya, who inhabited the Blue Nile region to the southeast, eventually mediated a peace agreement between the warring parties. The peace settlement stipulated that they would share the borders on condition they lived together peacefully.
In the early period of their settlement in the land of the Butana under the Shukriya tribe, there was a war between the Madarna and the Shukriyya that never fully escalated. Both the Shukriyya and Madarna warriors mobilized for battle, but peace was quickly achieved through the mediation of a group of Shukriyya wise men, in particular their leader, Sheikh Abd-al-Hadi. The Madarna poet, Qasim Wad Attar, chronicled this war, saying:
With the Shukriyya, we have contracts and oaths,
Except for those driven by self-interest – they are ancestors to none.
Riders of hardship in the darkest night,
Their bravest among the crowd, never turns away from the poor.
After the Nubians were forcibly displaced from northern Sudan to the Butana region between 1963–1964, their villages consisted of plots of agricultural land measuring 15 acres designated specifically for crops like peanuts and cotton, which they were unaccustomed to. To overcome this challenge, they relied on the agricultural expertise of migrant workers who moved to the New Halfa Agricultural Project. These migrant workers came from West Africa and Darfur but also included Nubians. Conflicts arose as follows:
A Nubian killed a West African migrant over a farming dispute, leading to threats of war. However, the Nubians sought a peaceful resolution, and through mediation, they agreed to pay compensation (blood money) of 5 pounds per household to all 26 villages, amounting to 250 pounds per village. The affected villages in New Halfa boycotted farming, claiming they had worked on these plots for 35 years and deserved ownership. Disputes arose over compensation demands, particularly from Zaghawa laborers from Chad and Darfur, who sought a total of 32,500 pounds. The Nubians paid this amount in 1991 without involving the police or courts and the peace has thus been kept until this day.
In 2010, another conflict occurred involving migrant workers from Libya over the same farm plots. The residents of Village 10 resisted their claims which escalated the situation and resulted in the killing of farm workers in front of the village mosque, with the remainder fleeing the village. The residents of the neighbouring village were on the brink of intervening, but mediators stepped in. Three mediators from Khartoum were summoned to New Halfa, where negotiations took place. Ultimately, the mediators facilitated a resolution where the Zaghawa paid 65,000 pounds in compensation for the two killed workers, allowing work to continue.
Forms of Peace and Reconciliation
The political authority in Sudan traditionally viewed the country as divided into two regions, the North, predominantly Muslim, and the South, predominantly Christian. The separation of the South in 2011 resulted in a predominantly Muslim state in the North. In the case of a dispute—whether this involved murder, border conflicts, land disputes, or conflicts over grazing rights—the resolution typically followed one of the following:The Koran, Hadith, Islamic Sharia, tribal customs (urf) and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh).
These usually applied to Sudan’s Arabs particularly in the desert regions of the East and West. However, the conflict between Muslim Arabs and Christian Nubians, and the consequent Baqt agreement in 652 AD, remains an exception.
The Ajawid are considered men of knowledge who mediate disputes fairly and play a significant role in resolving conflicts. They, along with tribal leaders, religious figures, and native administrators, often intervene in public matters such as disputes or conflicts. Tribal leaders, religious scholars, and Sufi holy men are held in high esteem by everyone and their opinions are adhered to.
The majority of Sudanese adhere to the Maliki school of Islamic jurisprudence, while those in the far East adhere to the Shafi school, with some following the Hanafi school. Fiqh (Islamic legal reasoning) is less frequently used as a source of mediation, as its application varies among the four major Islamic schools.
In instances where there is a desire to reconcile, individuals are appointed to mediate, and meetings are convened. Tribal leaders are often called upon for larger disputes like wars or murder, while smaller conflicts, such as boundary or grazing disputes, are handled without their direct involvement. The Ajawid often play a central role in organizing and conducting these negotiations, with tribal customs being a guiding factor.
In these meetings, delegates are chosen to facilitate the process, with larger delegations enhancing their authority. In Darfur and Kordofan, the Hakama (poet-mediators) play an important role in easing tensions through spoken word, which helps bridge the gap between conflicting parties. Their role is significant, as they often offer persuasive and reasoned arguments.
Several methods are employed in conflict resolution including inviting the disputants to a specific location on a set date, a tribal leader mediating between the parties, delegates chosen by both sides to negotiate and agree upon a time and location.
The process often begins with a Koranic citation by a religious figure emphasizing verses that promote peace and reconciliation such as "and we have made you peoples and tribes so that you may know one another" or “and if they incline towards peace, then incline to it as well” or “peace be upon you, a word from a Merciful God.”
After the religious readings, a Sufi invocation may follow focussing on peace and unity. The mediators then introduce the Hakama to say her piece and then it is their turn to convey the message they have agreed upon beforehand. Disputants listen respectfully, either agreeing or rejecting what is said in a courteous manner. In all cases, mediators are known for their wisdom and experience in persuading others. If a consensus is reached, a ritual involving the slaughter of livestock as a sacrifice typically follows and is offered by the host to the guests involved. Since it is a given that all parties are Muslim, those gathered always arrive at the conclusion that peace is the best outcome and verses of the Koran and supplications invoking peace are read out. However, in the case of murder, blood money (diyya) is often negotiated and paid, typically facilitated by religious figures and Sufi leaders.
Cover picture: Court is in session, with the judges sitting in a row, El Fasher, 1950 © Durham Sudan archive
Introduction
According to historical sources, Arabs entered Sudan before the arrival of Islam. The largest wave of Arab migration occurred following the Bugt Agreement of 652 AD between Muslim Arabs and the Nubians, towards whom the migrants were headed via the Nile from Egypt. Those who came to Sudan before Islam were renowned for their poetry which, being pre-Islamic is difficult to understand and has, here, been converted to prose:
Others have their civilisations but we are Bedouins. They have donkeys, while we have swords and good horses. If we raid those near us and find nothing to plunder, we raid those farther away. We even attack the firstborn of tribes who are our brothers if we find nothing to loot.
This poetic practice was common among Arab tribes in Sudan as wars and raids were prevalent for many years. The Sudanese have always been in awe of their Sufi holy men and have built shrines on their burial grounds. People believed that anyone who attacked the communities to which the holy men belonged would suffer illness, affliction, or death. Sudanese were therefore keen to demonstrate that their settlements were protected by the blessings of such men and sometimes even built shrines that did not contain a Sufi sheikh, to protect themselves against any possible attack.
Researcher Samir Mohamed Obaid says that in Sudan's history, before the Sultanate of Sennar, there was a period called the Qayman in which tribes would raid and steal each other’s camel herds. These raids were not considered theft but rather as an act of heroism. This was one of the main reasons why would claim noble lineage in relation to the Prophet Muhammad in order to evade these raids. The presence of a shrine became evidence of this lineage.
In this study, Anglo-Egyptian colonial powers created a Native Administration by appointing senior figures from various Arab tribes around Sudan. The Nazir, tribal chief, would arbitrate any disputes that arose among members of the tribe, whether with other members of the same tribe, or with those from other tribes. This was the norm in western Sudan, where Arab tribes were located, in central Sudan with the Jaliyin Arabs, and in the northern parts of central Sudan where the Rubatab, Manasir, and Shaigiya tribes had a Mak instead of a Nazir. In northernmost Sudan, the mayor, or Umdah, was in charge, while in eastern Sudan, the Beja had a Nazir. These leaders were responsible for waging and conducting wars.
Some of the wars in the history of Sudan have been documented, while others have not. There have been civil wars and wars with other countries, often arising from divisions within tribes. However, in many instances the warring sides sought peaceful solutions resulting in reconciliation between the belligerents.
In this research, we examine forms of war and conflict:
- Wars and reconciliations
- Wars of alliance
- Counter-wars and defensive wars
- Political Wars
We will study the following relevant groups:
- The Beja peoples
- The Bawadra (an Arab tribe)
- The Kawahla (an Arab tribe)
- The Shukriyya (an Arab tribe)
- The Batahin (an Arab tribe)
- The Taaysha (an Arab tribe)
Wars and reconciliation:
These were generally fostered by religious leaders. The Batahin tribes often fought against the Shukriyya, notably in conflicts such as the Battle of Mandara (171 AD), which took place in the Faw region. Subsequent battles included Ab-Haba, Al-Hajar, and Unwaan. Among the elders of the Batahin, there were those who were keen on maintaining peaceful relations between the Batahin and the Shukriyya. One such figure was Sheikh Abd-al-Bagi, a religious elder from the Batahin. He mediated peace between them in 1807 AD through treaties made between himself and the sons of Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin. Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin was the chief of the Butana region and governor of Khartoum and Sennar at the time. It is noticeable that this treaty was agreed very later on.
Wars of alliance:
Sheikh Birayr of the Batahin tribe had launched a raid on Karama, in the northernmost part of the Butana region. The Kawahla had prepared for their war against Sheikh Birayr a warrior named Muhammad al-Milejabi, who was tasked with recruiting Beja warriors in order to form an alliance in order to eradicate Birayr’s army and to arrest and kill the Sheikh. Al-Milejabi remained with the Amarar branch of the Beja in the Balk region for two years during which he selected strong fighters. These later joined forces, forming a united army to fight Sheikh Birayr whom they later captured and killed. Muhammad al-Milejabi cut off Birayrs hands and presented them to a woman named Shagnaba from a tribe who had fought alongside the Kawahla. The researcher, Al-Tayib Muhammad al-Tayib notes that numerous tribes coexisted with the Shukryyia in the Butana region, including the Batahin, Kawahla, and Rikabiyya and that several wars broke out between these tribes during the early part of the 16th century AD. This included the alliance between the Funj and Rikabiyya who clashed with the Shukriyya, led by their warrior Abu Ali. There were 4,000 of the allies compared to a small number of Shukriyya. However, the latter were able to kill the leaders of the alliance, Idris Wad al-Zaki and Karanka Abu Sin Duf, at the beginning of the battle, thereby securing victory for the Shukriyya.
The Beja lived alongside the Shukriyya in the Butana region, spread along the eastern banks of the Atbara River. In the battle of Rerah in 1744 AD, The Beja formed an alliance with the Shukriyya to fight the Batahin, and prepared to attack. As a result, the leader of the Batahin army, Al-Tikayt, retreated with his army to a distant land, far away from the Shukriyya, known as Abu Dilayg, east of present-day Khartoum.
Under the title ‘Relationships between Tribes,’ researchers Abd-al-Qadr Awad-al-Karim Hassan and Omar Abd-al-Rahim Kabosh, in their book ‘A Pause with the Poets of Butana’ state that the relationships between the tribes of the Butana plain are strong and well-established, governed by tribal custom, and that conflicts or hostilities are rare and that when such disputes arise, tribal leaders usually intervene to reconcile and restore harmony.
The tribes of the Butana region are nomadic by nature and are mostly herders of camels, sheep and goats. Conflict therefore often arises over competition for resources such as pastures, valleys, and sources of water and expanding one’s territory to secure more pasture lands has always been a cause of conflict. In addition, these wars often stemmed from a sense of tribal pride and perceived distinctions. In ancient times, disputes were resolved through tribal affiliation, which persisted until the establishment of the New Halfa agricultural project which transformed them from nomadic tribes to settled agricultural communities.
Wars and counter-wars means that one tribe fights another tribe or entity, and this conflict is followed by a counter-war, until one party stops fighting and does not return to it. We previously mentioned that the Beja had settled along the course of the Atbara River, east of the Butana region. This land was not owned by any entity however, in 1791, the Shukriyya leader, Awad-al-Karim Abu-Sin, claimed the Butana region as his own and gave himself the right to determine who could settle there and who could be displaced. The Sultan of the Funj, Badi Wad Dikaym reinforced Abu-Sin’s right.
The Beja, who were warriors, clashed with the Shukriyya over their attempt to displace them from the banks of the Atbara River. A branch of the Shukriyya known as the Turgab, the sons of Hamad al-Atarag, emerged as some of the fiercest fighters and military leaders in the Butana region to the extent that it is said that most of them perished in wars, with only two families remaining today.
The Beja fighters began the war but where defeated in their earlier battles with the Shukriyya. However, when they entered into war again, the Turgab had given leadership of their troops to a strong war veteran called Wad-al-Bashir who was described by one of their poets as follows:
Wad-al-Bashir rose up and crossed the river swimming
Heading towards their ranks, pointing like the fronds of a dom palm
The Beja who could every day muster an army
Wad-al-Bashir forced them to submit and be occupied only with their prayers and fasting
The meaning here is that Wad-al-Bashir set out towards the Beja east of the river that was in full spate and did his worst. The Beja had, until then, been sending an army to fight the Shukriyya every day however, Wad-al-Bashir’s crushing victory forced Beja to live a life of seclusion, praying and fasting to Allah never to wage war again.
An example of war and counter-war was between the Bawadra and the Qinan, both tribes from the Butana region. The researcher Yasir Abdallah Abd-al-Rahim al-Khalifa referred to the conflict between these two tribes as the ‘War of the Whips.’ He says that what sparked this conflict was an incident when a member of the Qinan cut off the tail of an ox belonging to one of the Bawadra women. The woman mourned the loss of her ox’s tail and swore not to eat with her right hand until she saw what the Bawadra warriors would do about what the Qinan youth had done to her ox. This was a longstanding Arab custom, urging warriors to seek revenge and to put right the wrong done to them.
When the Bawadra warriors mobilized to confront the Qinan, the warrior Wad Bilelah swore that the Bawadra should only use whips, rather than swords, to discipline the Qinan. And so, they approached the Qinan whips in hand, thus mocking and ridiculing the Qinan who were known for their bravery and strength. The following war unfolded in two stages namely The Battle of the Whips and the Battle of Swords and Heroes.
During the first stage, the Bawadra used whips, providing a golden opportunity for the Qinan, who had prepared themselves to face the Bawadra warriors with their swords. When the time for battle came, the Qinan warriors were surprised the Bawadra were armed only with whips. Within hours, the Qinan warriors advanced killing many of the Bawadra warriors and were on the brink of victory had the remaining Bawadra not used their opponents’ swords against them. That day the Bawadra learned the lesson and that as a result of their overconfidence and contempt of others, they had nearly paralysed their own army. At this stage of the war, the Bawadra sustained heavy losses with many of their warriors being killed as a result of this irresponsible action.
In the second stage of this war, the Bawadra from the western Blue Nile, led by the warrior Ain Bur, arrived with other branches of the Bawadra tribe such as the Bayada, Mashala, and Dabasin, among others. The warrior Ain Bur vowed to completely annihilate the Qinan tribe, and he did so, wiping them out entirely, sparing only women and children. After this, battles occurred at locations such as Al-Sada and Al-Rikabiyyah and Malwiya. Thus, the Qinan tribe was dispersed across eastern Sudan and Eritrea, leaving only a small number who now inhabit the Butana Beja regions.
Yet despite history of the Butana region stating that it was customary for tribes in this region to settle disputes or raids through self-regulation and peace agreements, we observe that this custom did not exist during earlier wars particularly from the 16th to the 18th century. The latter period, particularly under Ahmad Bey Abu Sin, was marked by relentless raids and warfare in the Butana region, with no room for negotiation or peace, only violence and control.
In the context of wars involving the Ajawid (elders), we note Gald al-Beja a custom prevalent in the lands of the Beja. These peoples are made up of four main groups; most notably the Beja, with its numerous subsections; the Beni Amir; the Halanga; and the Basharyin. The term Beja refers to all these tribes and their subsections. Gald al-Beja describes the group of Ajawid elders who sit with both sides to resolve any dispute that may erupt in their lands even if it is murder. The term Gald means the meeting to enforce a binding resolution to a dispute, that may not be rejected by any party present. In his dictionary of the Sudanese colloquial dialect, Dr Awn Alsharif Qasim defines Ajawid as those who mediate between disputing parties to resolve a conflict peacefully. This is an excellent definition.
Two notable Beja wars included the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Kimaylab and the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Nabatab. Despite the many wars among the Beja tribes and their subgroups, Qasim states that he would prefer not to dwell on these so as not to revive old enmity. Perhaps he believed that remembering these wars would stir up old animosities. However, it is certain that all manner of Beja disputes was governed by the Gald practice.
Meanwhile, the Bawadra entered into two major wars after their long conflict with the Qinan including the War of Al-Hajiz, a location between Khashm al-Girba and Kasala and the war of Al-Malwiya, which took place in the same location.
According to Qasim, a small railway station on a rail line connecting to Port Sudan saw bloodshed spilled as if it were the ‘damira’ meaning the Nile flooding. This conflict was mediated by the Rikabiyya, a group of holy men spread-out across Sudan.
Political wars are often initiated by sultans and rulers. Their objectives is to bring the warring group into submission and peace, as we will see. The war we begin with is the war between the Ham Arab of the Humur and the Maaliya. This began when the Maaliya Arabs intercepted a caravan travelling from Egypt to Darfur, killing the traders who were carrying textiles and sugar belonging to the sultan. Sultan Hussein, who ruled Dar al-Nur between 1829 and 1874, was enraged and summoned Sheikh Maki Walad Munim, leader of the Humur Arabs, saying ‘I give you permission to spill the blood and seize the wealth of the Maaliya.’ Sheikh Maki gathered his men and allies and launched a bloody attack that resulted in a victory for the Humur Arabs and the sultan. This was the Battle of Al-Qurtas, named after the small conical paper containers used to carry the sugar.
In 1821, Ismail Pasha, the son of Egypt's Khedive Muhammad Ali Pasha, invaded Sudan with his troops advancing until they reached the Funj Sultanate. The Funj ruler, Muhammad Wad Adlan, surrendered and submitted to Ismail Pasha, who then took control of Sudan. Upon returning to Egypt in 1822, Ismail Pasha arrived in the lands of the Jaliyyin, where the Mak Nimir had made plans to kill him. At the centre of a large gathering, Ismail Pasha sat with his entourage, demanding cattle and wealth to emphasise the Mak’s submission. Mak Nimir had surrounded the council with firewood and positioned his warriors to attack. When the fire was ignited, his warriors attacked, killing Ismail Pasha and his retinue by burning them alive. Mak Nimir then fled to Ethiopia with his family. This led to the devastating defeat of the Jaliyyin at the hands of the Diftirdar representatives of the Egyptian authorities.
This conflict was later reignited by Khalifa Abdullah al-Tayshi after the death of Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi in 1885. Al-Tayshi, who was the Mahdi’s successor, faced resistance from the Mahdi’s family, who claimed they were more entitled to the leadership and were Ashraaf, or descendants of the Prophet Muhammad’s lineage. This led to the struggle known as the Khalifa against Al-Ashraaf following the Mahdi’s death and which was essentially a power struggle—who was more rightful to lead the Mahdist state: the Sharifs due to their familial ties to Al-Mahdi, or the Khalifa, who held the second-highest position in the state during the Mahdi’s lifetime.
The Khalifa Abdullah mobilised the capital of the Mahdist state Omdurman and ordered his kin, the Taysha, and other worriers from tribes in Darfur, to arrest the rebellious Ashraaf. The Khalifa imprisoned all them, thus consolidating his rule over the Mahdist state until the Battle of Karari following the invasion of Sudan in 1898 by the colonial Anglo-Egyptian forces. The Khalifa fled with his followers and was later killed in Um Dibaykarat.
Disputes Ending in Reconciliation
The first recorded war to end in reconciliation was the one sparked by Abdullah Ibn Abi Sarh against the Nubians in Dongola in northern Sudan in 652 AD. This war culminated in the signing of the "Baqt Agreement," which included three key clauses:
· Name of the Agreement: Baqt
· Arabs may pass through the land of Nubia (Sudan) but may not settle there and Nubians may pass through the land of the Arabs (Egypt, Arabian Peninsula) but may not settle there.
· Mosque Maintenance: The mosque built by Ibn Abi Sarh in Dongola is to be illuminated and maintained by the Nubians.
Historians have debated the authenticity of the Baqt Agreement, with some interpretations contradicting verified historical facts. For example, in Dr Awn Alsharif’s dictionary the term Baqt is recorded as Bagit meaning summit in the Nubian language of Dongola.
However, Arabs remained in Sudan in contravention of the agreement’s clauses, and Nubians migrated and settled in Arab lands. As for the mosque, archaeologists have concluded that it was a more modern structure containing the tomb of a sheikh whom they disinterred. These findings cast doubt on the historical existence of the Baqt Agreement, suggesting instead that mutual contributions from both sides resulted in reconciliation.
In western Sudan, wars have always broken out between the Arab tribes and between Arab tribes and those tribespeople of non-Arab origin. There have long been conflicts between the Salamat tribe (an Arab tribe) and other Arab tribes such as the Taysha, and between the Rizeigat against the Awlad Hin and the Kabbash against the Kawahla, who migrated to Kordofan. There have also been conflicts between the Hawazma tribe against the Nuba of the Nuba Mountains, and between Arab tribes and the Zaghawa people in northern Darfur—who are non-Arab. Similarly, there have been wars between the same tribes and the Masalit in northern Darfur. However, the important point is that the native administration in both Darfur and Kordofan, have a longstanding tradition of resolving wars peacefully through the intervention of senior native administrators to resolve differences between the warring sides.
The Madarna Mahas, who cohabited the land of the Butana with the Shukriyya fought wars against the Arab Rufaiyya tribe that lives along the bank of the Blue Nile, not far from the Madarna, east of the Rufaiyya. This dispute was over the borders between the warring groups. The Rufaiyya and Shukriyya, who inhabited the Blue Nile region to the southeast, eventually mediated a peace agreement between the warring parties. The peace settlement stipulated that they would share the borders on condition they lived together peacefully.
In the early period of their settlement in the land of the Butana under the Shukriya tribe, there was a war between the Madarna and the Shukriyya that never fully escalated. Both the Shukriyya and Madarna warriors mobilized for battle, but peace was quickly achieved through the mediation of a group of Shukriyya wise men, in particular their leader, Sheikh Abd-al-Hadi. The Madarna poet, Qasim Wad Attar, chronicled this war, saying:
With the Shukriyya, we have contracts and oaths,
Except for those driven by self-interest – they are ancestors to none.
Riders of hardship in the darkest night,
Their bravest among the crowd, never turns away from the poor.
After the Nubians were forcibly displaced from northern Sudan to the Butana region between 1963–1964, their villages consisted of plots of agricultural land measuring 15 acres designated specifically for crops like peanuts and cotton, which they were unaccustomed to. To overcome this challenge, they relied on the agricultural expertise of migrant workers who moved to the New Halfa Agricultural Project. These migrant workers came from West Africa and Darfur but also included Nubians. Conflicts arose as follows:
A Nubian killed a West African migrant over a farming dispute, leading to threats of war. However, the Nubians sought a peaceful resolution, and through mediation, they agreed to pay compensation (blood money) of 5 pounds per household to all 26 villages, amounting to 250 pounds per village. The affected villages in New Halfa boycotted farming, claiming they had worked on these plots for 35 years and deserved ownership. Disputes arose over compensation demands, particularly from Zaghawa laborers from Chad and Darfur, who sought a total of 32,500 pounds. The Nubians paid this amount in 1991 without involving the police or courts and the peace has thus been kept until this day.
In 2010, another conflict occurred involving migrant workers from Libya over the same farm plots. The residents of Village 10 resisted their claims which escalated the situation and resulted in the killing of farm workers in front of the village mosque, with the remainder fleeing the village. The residents of the neighbouring village were on the brink of intervening, but mediators stepped in. Three mediators from Khartoum were summoned to New Halfa, where negotiations took place. Ultimately, the mediators facilitated a resolution where the Zaghawa paid 65,000 pounds in compensation for the two killed workers, allowing work to continue.
Forms of Peace and Reconciliation
The political authority in Sudan traditionally viewed the country as divided into two regions, the North, predominantly Muslim, and the South, predominantly Christian. The separation of the South in 2011 resulted in a predominantly Muslim state in the North. In the case of a dispute—whether this involved murder, border conflicts, land disputes, or conflicts over grazing rights—the resolution typically followed one of the following:The Koran, Hadith, Islamic Sharia, tribal customs (urf) and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh).
These usually applied to Sudan’s Arabs particularly in the desert regions of the East and West. However, the conflict between Muslim Arabs and Christian Nubians, and the consequent Baqt agreement in 652 AD, remains an exception.
The Ajawid are considered men of knowledge who mediate disputes fairly and play a significant role in resolving conflicts. They, along with tribal leaders, religious figures, and native administrators, often intervene in public matters such as disputes or conflicts. Tribal leaders, religious scholars, and Sufi holy men are held in high esteem by everyone and their opinions are adhered to.
The majority of Sudanese adhere to the Maliki school of Islamic jurisprudence, while those in the far East adhere to the Shafi school, with some following the Hanafi school. Fiqh (Islamic legal reasoning) is less frequently used as a source of mediation, as its application varies among the four major Islamic schools.
In instances where there is a desire to reconcile, individuals are appointed to mediate, and meetings are convened. Tribal leaders are often called upon for larger disputes like wars or murder, while smaller conflicts, such as boundary or grazing disputes, are handled without their direct involvement. The Ajawid often play a central role in organizing and conducting these negotiations, with tribal customs being a guiding factor.
In these meetings, delegates are chosen to facilitate the process, with larger delegations enhancing their authority. In Darfur and Kordofan, the Hakama (poet-mediators) play an important role in easing tensions through spoken word, which helps bridge the gap between conflicting parties. Their role is significant, as they often offer persuasive and reasoned arguments.
Several methods are employed in conflict resolution including inviting the disputants to a specific location on a set date, a tribal leader mediating between the parties, delegates chosen by both sides to negotiate and agree upon a time and location.
The process often begins with a Koranic citation by a religious figure emphasizing verses that promote peace and reconciliation such as "and we have made you peoples and tribes so that you may know one another" or “and if they incline towards peace, then incline to it as well” or “peace be upon you, a word from a Merciful God.”
After the religious readings, a Sufi invocation may follow focussing on peace and unity. The mediators then introduce the Hakama to say her piece and then it is their turn to convey the message they have agreed upon beforehand. Disputants listen respectfully, either agreeing or rejecting what is said in a courteous manner. In all cases, mediators are known for their wisdom and experience in persuading others. If a consensus is reached, a ritual involving the slaughter of livestock as a sacrifice typically follows and is offered by the host to the guests involved. Since it is a given that all parties are Muslim, those gathered always arrive at the conclusion that peace is the best outcome and verses of the Koran and supplications invoking peace are read out. However, in the case of murder, blood money (diyya) is often negotiated and paid, typically facilitated by religious figures and Sufi leaders.
Cover picture: Court is in session, with the judges sitting in a row, El Fasher, 1950 © Durham Sudan archive
The Jibba
The Jibba
The Jibba
The Jibba is considered a Mahdist/Sufi symbol of asceticism, simplicity, and contempt for worldly life. The symbolism of the Jibba was that it was an attempt to encourage national unity among supporters of the Mahdi. The patches symbolized the status and position of the wearer. At the beginning of Al Khalifa Abdullah's reign, some people began to decorate their patches. During the last years of the Mahdia state, the patched Jibba was transformed into a very elegant outfit using English and Egyptian fabrics. Its manufacture required highly professional skills, as the appliques began to be sewn on the fabric of the jubbah with much artistic interest, balance, and symmetry.
The Jibba was not the only distinctive garment worn by the Ansar, as the Ansar also wore the "Jalabia Janah Um Jako" It is a Jalabiya designed to be worn both ways when in a hurry, and a practical design that helps to ride horses quickly.
It is also designed to take into consideration the desert weather, and it is an economical garment that can be worn on both sides so it won't wear out easily from frequent sittings in the circle of dhikr.
Tagiya Um Gerainat
Tagiya Um Gerainat appeared in Christian kingdoms and then in the Islamic Funj state in Sennar (1504-1820). Originally worn by kings, it later became a symbol of prestige and distinction. As the Sultanate disintegrated, it was used in Sufi rituals until the Mahdia period. It was also used in the Sennari ceremony in which the student was promoted to a Shaikh. Sufis continue to wear it to this day in these rituals in the Dhikr circles. During the Mahdist state, it was worn by the Amirs and members of Al Khalifa Abdullah's guard, known as the Mishmaratiya.
The white turban
The men wore a white turban with the Jibba, with an edge that descended to the shoulder and is called the "Azabah". Underneath it was the conical "Tarator" hat that distinguished the Ansar, or a straw hat.
Cover picture: Jibba in Khalifa house collection © Noory Taha, Added by Isaac Allison, March 18, 2023, Reproduced with permission from British Council. Photo by Noory Taha.
The Jibba
The Jibba is considered a Mahdist/Sufi symbol of asceticism, simplicity, and contempt for worldly life. The symbolism of the Jibba was that it was an attempt to encourage national unity among supporters of the Mahdi. The patches symbolized the status and position of the wearer. At the beginning of Al Khalifa Abdullah's reign, some people began to decorate their patches. During the last years of the Mahdia state, the patched Jibba was transformed into a very elegant outfit using English and Egyptian fabrics. Its manufacture required highly professional skills, as the appliques began to be sewn on the fabric of the jubbah with much artistic interest, balance, and symmetry.
The Jibba was not the only distinctive garment worn by the Ansar, as the Ansar also wore the "Jalabia Janah Um Jako" It is a Jalabiya designed to be worn both ways when in a hurry, and a practical design that helps to ride horses quickly.
It is also designed to take into consideration the desert weather, and it is an economical garment that can be worn on both sides so it won't wear out easily from frequent sittings in the circle of dhikr.
Tagiya Um Gerainat
Tagiya Um Gerainat appeared in Christian kingdoms and then in the Islamic Funj state in Sennar (1504-1820). Originally worn by kings, it later became a symbol of prestige and distinction. As the Sultanate disintegrated, it was used in Sufi rituals until the Mahdia period. It was also used in the Sennari ceremony in which the student was promoted to a Shaikh. Sufis continue to wear it to this day in these rituals in the Dhikr circles. During the Mahdist state, it was worn by the Amirs and members of Al Khalifa Abdullah's guard, known as the Mishmaratiya.
The white turban
The men wore a white turban with the Jibba, with an edge that descended to the shoulder and is called the "Azabah". Underneath it was the conical "Tarator" hat that distinguished the Ansar, or a straw hat.
Cover picture: Jibba in Khalifa house collection © Noory Taha, Added by Isaac Allison, March 18, 2023, Reproduced with permission from British Council. Photo by Noory Taha.
The Jibba
The Jibba is considered a Mahdist/Sufi symbol of asceticism, simplicity, and contempt for worldly life. The symbolism of the Jibba was that it was an attempt to encourage national unity among supporters of the Mahdi. The patches symbolized the status and position of the wearer. At the beginning of Al Khalifa Abdullah's reign, some people began to decorate their patches. During the last years of the Mahdia state, the patched Jibba was transformed into a very elegant outfit using English and Egyptian fabrics. Its manufacture required highly professional skills, as the appliques began to be sewn on the fabric of the jubbah with much artistic interest, balance, and symmetry.
The Jibba was not the only distinctive garment worn by the Ansar, as the Ansar also wore the "Jalabia Janah Um Jako" It is a Jalabiya designed to be worn both ways when in a hurry, and a practical design that helps to ride horses quickly.
It is also designed to take into consideration the desert weather, and it is an economical garment that can be worn on both sides so it won't wear out easily from frequent sittings in the circle of dhikr.
Tagiya Um Gerainat
Tagiya Um Gerainat appeared in Christian kingdoms and then in the Islamic Funj state in Sennar (1504-1820). Originally worn by kings, it later became a symbol of prestige and distinction. As the Sultanate disintegrated, it was used in Sufi rituals until the Mahdia period. It was also used in the Sennari ceremony in which the student was promoted to a Shaikh. Sufis continue to wear it to this day in these rituals in the Dhikr circles. During the Mahdist state, it was worn by the Amirs and members of Al Khalifa Abdullah's guard, known as the Mishmaratiya.
The white turban
The men wore a white turban with the Jibba, with an edge that descended to the shoulder and is called the "Azabah". Underneath it was the conical "Tarator" hat that distinguished the Ansar, or a straw hat.
Cover picture: Jibba in Khalifa house collection © Noory Taha, Added by Isaac Allison, March 18, 2023, Reproduced with permission from British Council. Photo by Noory Taha.
Nuba Wrestling
Nuba Wrestling
How Sudanese Wrestling Transformed from a Cultural Ritual in the Nuba Mountains to a Popular National Sport
By: Mujahid Al-Doma
Originally published by (Beam Reports) in 01/12/2022
At first glance, when you hear the cheers and chants of the crowd, you might think you’re at a football match. However, as you get closer to the arena surrounded by enthusiastic spectators, the scene becomes clear. Two wrestlers stand in the middle of a sand-covered ring, grappling with their hands, striving to bring the other down to win a round of Sudanese wrestling, known as Al-Sira’a.
Wrestling (Al-Sira’a) has deep roots in the South Kordofan region (Nuba Mountains), where it originated as a cultural practice and an integral part of the identity of various tribal groups, with additional social and economic dimensions.
Initially, wrestling was associated with celebrations and festivals held during the harvest season, from August to December each year. These events often featured artistic performances by the wrestlers before their matches. As part of the tradition, each tribal group trained its young wrestlers, ensuring they followed a comprehensive diet (including fresh milk, meat, honey, and sesame) to prepare them for competing against wrestlers from other tribes.
New Arenas
Due to the repeated civil wars in Sudan, which affected South Kordofan, many people began migrating in the 1970s, seeking safety and new opportunities. This movement brought displaced populations to other states, particularly the capital, Khartoum, and its outskirts. Along with them came their traditions, culture, and rituals, including dances like Karnak and Kambala, as well as wrestling. The latter gained widespread popularity as a sport, leading to the establishment of several wrestling arenas in places like Haj Yousif (East Nile) and Abu Hamad (Omdurman). These arenas now host diverse audiences of Sudanese and foreigners twice a week to enjoy and cheer on the matches.
The transformation of wrestling from a cultural practice to a sport brought changes to some of its rules and the way wrestlers (known as “Knights” in the Nuba Mountains) adorn themselves. Wrestling now operates under established laws and regulations. Additionally, the Sudanese Wrestling Federation was established to oversee the sport. Players began affiliating with clubs rather than the tribal groups from which they originated.
Due to the notable similarities between Sudanese wrestling and Japanese sumo wrestling, Sudanese arenas have, on several occasions, seen participation from Japanese individuals, including the Japanese diplomat Yasuhiro Morotatsu.
In March 2022, the fifth national wrestling championship concluded in the city of Khashm al-Qirba (Kassala State). The event, first organized by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in 2017 in Khartoum, has since become an annual gathering hosted by various states, including Gedaref, Kassala, Blue Nile, and again in Kassala in March 2022. The championship was held under the slogan, "Through Wrestling, We Strengthen Peace," with six states participating: South Kordofan, White Nile, Gedaref, Khartoum, Red Sea, and Kassala. However, West and North Kordofan, Sennar, Northern State, and Blue Nile apologised for not taking part.
International Participation
In recent years, the Sudanese national wrestling team has participated in several African and Arab championships, achieving a notable number of titles and medals. The team won two bronze medals at the African Championship in Nigeria in 2018 and five additional medals at the Arab Championship in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt. The team further enhanced its experience and international participation, culminating in winning 12 medals at the 2019 Arab Championship and the Ibrahim Mustafa International Tournament.
Last May marked a new breakthrough for Sudanese wrestling on the international stage. Sudanese wrestler Patricia Saif al-Din, the first female wrestler to compete in an international tournament, achieved third place and won a bronze medal in the 68 kg category at the African Championship held in Morocco, which featured participants from 34 countries.
It is worth noting that Patricia is one of many women who have joined wrestling through the Talent Discovery Project, a programme organized in partnership with the International Olympic Committee and international federations. The Wrestling Federation benefited from this initiative in 2018, with Patricia securing one of the top positions in the programme and further participated in the Paris 2024 Olympics.
A New Generation
The rise of wrestling and its appeal across all age groups has emphasized the need for institutions to nurture and train young talents of both genders. To this end, the Wrestling Federation has been organizing martial arts training sessions for boys and girls aged 7–19, aiming to develop the sport by providing the necessary skills and education.
The fifth session of the Martial Arts School Project was held before the war, targeting school students. Around 150 boys and girls from Unity National Schools (East Nile) participated. The project is implemented by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in partnership with the International Center for Martial Arts (South Korea) and under the sponsorship of UNESCO.
The spread of wrestling and its transformation from a social and ritual activity tied to harvest celebrations in the Nuba Mountains into a widely-followed sport across Sudan showcases the value of cultural exchange. It highlights the openness of cultures to one another and the intermingling of traditions.
The video shows footage of the 2020 Nuba festival held in Khartoum, the festival included traditional dancing and traditional Nuba wrestling, a popular sports that attracts hundreds of people every week to watch. Filmed by Snoop for the Western Sudan Community Museums project
Cover picture: Every Friday, Sudanese wrestling takes place between Nubian and South Sudanese tribes in Haj Yousif © Mohammed Osman, Khartoum
How Sudanese Wrestling Transformed from a Cultural Ritual in the Nuba Mountains to a Popular National Sport
By: Mujahid Al-Doma
Originally published by (Beam Reports) in 01/12/2022
At first glance, when you hear the cheers and chants of the crowd, you might think you’re at a football match. However, as you get closer to the arena surrounded by enthusiastic spectators, the scene becomes clear. Two wrestlers stand in the middle of a sand-covered ring, grappling with their hands, striving to bring the other down to win a round of Sudanese wrestling, known as Al-Sira’a.
Wrestling (Al-Sira’a) has deep roots in the South Kordofan region (Nuba Mountains), where it originated as a cultural practice and an integral part of the identity of various tribal groups, with additional social and economic dimensions.
Initially, wrestling was associated with celebrations and festivals held during the harvest season, from August to December each year. These events often featured artistic performances by the wrestlers before their matches. As part of the tradition, each tribal group trained its young wrestlers, ensuring they followed a comprehensive diet (including fresh milk, meat, honey, and sesame) to prepare them for competing against wrestlers from other tribes.
New Arenas
Due to the repeated civil wars in Sudan, which affected South Kordofan, many people began migrating in the 1970s, seeking safety and new opportunities. This movement brought displaced populations to other states, particularly the capital, Khartoum, and its outskirts. Along with them came their traditions, culture, and rituals, including dances like Karnak and Kambala, as well as wrestling. The latter gained widespread popularity as a sport, leading to the establishment of several wrestling arenas in places like Haj Yousif (East Nile) and Abu Hamad (Omdurman). These arenas now host diverse audiences of Sudanese and foreigners twice a week to enjoy and cheer on the matches.
The transformation of wrestling from a cultural practice to a sport brought changes to some of its rules and the way wrestlers (known as “Knights” in the Nuba Mountains) adorn themselves. Wrestling now operates under established laws and regulations. Additionally, the Sudanese Wrestling Federation was established to oversee the sport. Players began affiliating with clubs rather than the tribal groups from which they originated.
Due to the notable similarities between Sudanese wrestling and Japanese sumo wrestling, Sudanese arenas have, on several occasions, seen participation from Japanese individuals, including the Japanese diplomat Yasuhiro Morotatsu.
In March 2022, the fifth national wrestling championship concluded in the city of Khashm al-Qirba (Kassala State). The event, first organized by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in 2017 in Khartoum, has since become an annual gathering hosted by various states, including Gedaref, Kassala, Blue Nile, and again in Kassala in March 2022. The championship was held under the slogan, "Through Wrestling, We Strengthen Peace," with six states participating: South Kordofan, White Nile, Gedaref, Khartoum, Red Sea, and Kassala. However, West and North Kordofan, Sennar, Northern State, and Blue Nile apologised for not taking part.
International Participation
In recent years, the Sudanese national wrestling team has participated in several African and Arab championships, achieving a notable number of titles and medals. The team won two bronze medals at the African Championship in Nigeria in 2018 and five additional medals at the Arab Championship in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt. The team further enhanced its experience and international participation, culminating in winning 12 medals at the 2019 Arab Championship and the Ibrahim Mustafa International Tournament.
Last May marked a new breakthrough for Sudanese wrestling on the international stage. Sudanese wrestler Patricia Saif al-Din, the first female wrestler to compete in an international tournament, achieved third place and won a bronze medal in the 68 kg category at the African Championship held in Morocco, which featured participants from 34 countries.
It is worth noting that Patricia is one of many women who have joined wrestling through the Talent Discovery Project, a programme organized in partnership with the International Olympic Committee and international federations. The Wrestling Federation benefited from this initiative in 2018, with Patricia securing one of the top positions in the programme and further participated in the Paris 2024 Olympics.
A New Generation
The rise of wrestling and its appeal across all age groups has emphasized the need for institutions to nurture and train young talents of both genders. To this end, the Wrestling Federation has been organizing martial arts training sessions for boys and girls aged 7–19, aiming to develop the sport by providing the necessary skills and education.
The fifth session of the Martial Arts School Project was held before the war, targeting school students. Around 150 boys and girls from Unity National Schools (East Nile) participated. The project is implemented by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in partnership with the International Center for Martial Arts (South Korea) and under the sponsorship of UNESCO.
The spread of wrestling and its transformation from a social and ritual activity tied to harvest celebrations in the Nuba Mountains into a widely-followed sport across Sudan showcases the value of cultural exchange. It highlights the openness of cultures to one another and the intermingling of traditions.
The video shows footage of the 2020 Nuba festival held in Khartoum, the festival included traditional dancing and traditional Nuba wrestling, a popular sports that attracts hundreds of people every week to watch. Filmed by Snoop for the Western Sudan Community Museums project
Cover picture: Every Friday, Sudanese wrestling takes place between Nubian and South Sudanese tribes in Haj Yousif © Mohammed Osman, Khartoum
How Sudanese Wrestling Transformed from a Cultural Ritual in the Nuba Mountains to a Popular National Sport
By: Mujahid Al-Doma
Originally published by (Beam Reports) in 01/12/2022
At first glance, when you hear the cheers and chants of the crowd, you might think you’re at a football match. However, as you get closer to the arena surrounded by enthusiastic spectators, the scene becomes clear. Two wrestlers stand in the middle of a sand-covered ring, grappling with their hands, striving to bring the other down to win a round of Sudanese wrestling, known as Al-Sira’a.
Wrestling (Al-Sira’a) has deep roots in the South Kordofan region (Nuba Mountains), where it originated as a cultural practice and an integral part of the identity of various tribal groups, with additional social and economic dimensions.
Initially, wrestling was associated with celebrations and festivals held during the harvest season, from August to December each year. These events often featured artistic performances by the wrestlers before their matches. As part of the tradition, each tribal group trained its young wrestlers, ensuring they followed a comprehensive diet (including fresh milk, meat, honey, and sesame) to prepare them for competing against wrestlers from other tribes.
New Arenas
Due to the repeated civil wars in Sudan, which affected South Kordofan, many people began migrating in the 1970s, seeking safety and new opportunities. This movement brought displaced populations to other states, particularly the capital, Khartoum, and its outskirts. Along with them came their traditions, culture, and rituals, including dances like Karnak and Kambala, as well as wrestling. The latter gained widespread popularity as a sport, leading to the establishment of several wrestling arenas in places like Haj Yousif (East Nile) and Abu Hamad (Omdurman). These arenas now host diverse audiences of Sudanese and foreigners twice a week to enjoy and cheer on the matches.
The transformation of wrestling from a cultural practice to a sport brought changes to some of its rules and the way wrestlers (known as “Knights” in the Nuba Mountains) adorn themselves. Wrestling now operates under established laws and regulations. Additionally, the Sudanese Wrestling Federation was established to oversee the sport. Players began affiliating with clubs rather than the tribal groups from which they originated.
Due to the notable similarities between Sudanese wrestling and Japanese sumo wrestling, Sudanese arenas have, on several occasions, seen participation from Japanese individuals, including the Japanese diplomat Yasuhiro Morotatsu.
In March 2022, the fifth national wrestling championship concluded in the city of Khashm al-Qirba (Kassala State). The event, first organized by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in 2017 in Khartoum, has since become an annual gathering hosted by various states, including Gedaref, Kassala, Blue Nile, and again in Kassala in March 2022. The championship was held under the slogan, "Through Wrestling, We Strengthen Peace," with six states participating: South Kordofan, White Nile, Gedaref, Khartoum, Red Sea, and Kassala. However, West and North Kordofan, Sennar, Northern State, and Blue Nile apologised for not taking part.
International Participation
In recent years, the Sudanese national wrestling team has participated in several African and Arab championships, achieving a notable number of titles and medals. The team won two bronze medals at the African Championship in Nigeria in 2018 and five additional medals at the Arab Championship in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt. The team further enhanced its experience and international participation, culminating in winning 12 medals at the 2019 Arab Championship and the Ibrahim Mustafa International Tournament.
Last May marked a new breakthrough for Sudanese wrestling on the international stage. Sudanese wrestler Patricia Saif al-Din, the first female wrestler to compete in an international tournament, achieved third place and won a bronze medal in the 68 kg category at the African Championship held in Morocco, which featured participants from 34 countries.
It is worth noting that Patricia is one of many women who have joined wrestling through the Talent Discovery Project, a programme organized in partnership with the International Olympic Committee and international federations. The Wrestling Federation benefited from this initiative in 2018, with Patricia securing one of the top positions in the programme and further participated in the Paris 2024 Olympics.
A New Generation
The rise of wrestling and its appeal across all age groups has emphasized the need for institutions to nurture and train young talents of both genders. To this end, the Wrestling Federation has been organizing martial arts training sessions for boys and girls aged 7–19, aiming to develop the sport by providing the necessary skills and education.
The fifth session of the Martial Arts School Project was held before the war, targeting school students. Around 150 boys and girls from Unity National Schools (East Nile) participated. The project is implemented by the Sudanese Wrestling Federation in partnership with the International Center for Martial Arts (South Korea) and under the sponsorship of UNESCO.
The spread of wrestling and its transformation from a social and ritual activity tied to harvest celebrations in the Nuba Mountains into a widely-followed sport across Sudan showcases the value of cultural exchange. It highlights the openness of cultures to one another and the intermingling of traditions.
The video shows footage of the 2020 Nuba festival held in Khartoum, the festival included traditional dancing and traditional Nuba wrestling, a popular sports that attracts hundreds of people every week to watch. Filmed by Snoop for the Western Sudan Community Museums project
Cover picture: Every Friday, Sudanese wrestling takes place between Nubian and South Sudanese tribes in Haj Yousif © Mohammed Osman, Khartoum
Al Shoura Court
Al Shoura Court
Al Shoura Court
The Shoura Court is one of the most significant places in Al Khalifa Abdulla's house. It was where he daily consulted and exchanged views with the senior leaders of the Mahdiya state. In the state, Shoura (mutual consultation) was the customary way of making decisions. The Shoura court was also where the Shoura Council meetings took place. Several rooms attached to the court served these purposes, including guest rooms, rooms for the ministers, and an upper chamber for Al Khalifa’s personal retreat, his Khalwa.
Al Khalifa held annual meetings with members of the Shoura Council and the Majlis Al Hal Wal Aged, Council of Shariea, but emergency meetings could be called at any point. During the annual meetings, they discussed the most important matters and decisions of the Mahdiya state, as well as the nomination or removal of an Imam.
The Shoura Council comprised 46 members from every region of Sudan. Their chief duties were to provide consultation and advice to Al Khalifa and to take over his responsibilities in his absence. Sometimes there was an overlap in the Shoura Council’s authority with that of the Council of Shariea, which had 40 members: the Shoura Council selected thirty members and Al Khalifa ten members.
Administration of the Mahdiya State during the rule of Al Khalifa Abdullah
Following Imam Al Mahdi’s death, Al Khalifa Abdullah assumed leadership of the Mahdiya State. He did not fundamentally change the administrative foundation drawn up by Al Mahdi for the government. However, his longer rule meant he could focus on filling in the shortcomings and inconsistencies that appeared during the practical application of Al Mahdi’s plan.
Al Khalifa had the absolute authority to execute his judgment as he saw fit. He gave his brother Yagoub authority over police affairs, while the Judge of Islam had judicial authority. Al Khalifa relied on his Amirs in military matters and would meet daily with his senior advisors in the Shura Court to discuss the State’s affairs. He split the administration of the country into eight Amalat provinces, gave the title Amil (Governor) to the ruler of each province, and the title Amir to the commander of the army stationed there.
Al Khalifa divided the Amalat provinces into two types:
Military Amala, on the outskirts of the states, governed by military leaders, and the main line of defence against invasion.
Urban Amala, as the central prefectures ruled by Al Khalifa Abdullah, and supervised by civil officials.
Al Khalifa monitored the management of the Amalat using the postal system. He assigned to each Amil several Amirs to help lead and maintain their army, together with several tax collectors and a few confidential clerks who could correspond discreetly. When a crisis occurred, Al Khalifa Abdullah would send a delegation from the Trustees Council to investigate and solve it. Although Al Khalifa did not visit the Amalat, he would hold meetings on set dates during the festivals of Rajabiya (27 Rajab), Eid Al Adha, and Eid Al Fitr to keep himself informed of their affairs and to receive reports and consultations.
Cover picture: Shura Court © Khalifa House museum
Al Shoura Court
The Shoura Court is one of the most significant places in Al Khalifa Abdulla's house. It was where he daily consulted and exchanged views with the senior leaders of the Mahdiya state. In the state, Shoura (mutual consultation) was the customary way of making decisions. The Shoura court was also where the Shoura Council meetings took place. Several rooms attached to the court served these purposes, including guest rooms, rooms for the ministers, and an upper chamber for Al Khalifa’s personal retreat, his Khalwa.
Al Khalifa held annual meetings with members of the Shoura Council and the Majlis Al Hal Wal Aged, Council of Shariea, but emergency meetings could be called at any point. During the annual meetings, they discussed the most important matters and decisions of the Mahdiya state, as well as the nomination or removal of an Imam.
The Shoura Council comprised 46 members from every region of Sudan. Their chief duties were to provide consultation and advice to Al Khalifa and to take over his responsibilities in his absence. Sometimes there was an overlap in the Shoura Council’s authority with that of the Council of Shariea, which had 40 members: the Shoura Council selected thirty members and Al Khalifa ten members.
Administration of the Mahdiya State during the rule of Al Khalifa Abdullah
Following Imam Al Mahdi’s death, Al Khalifa Abdullah assumed leadership of the Mahdiya State. He did not fundamentally change the administrative foundation drawn up by Al Mahdi for the government. However, his longer rule meant he could focus on filling in the shortcomings and inconsistencies that appeared during the practical application of Al Mahdi’s plan.
Al Khalifa had the absolute authority to execute his judgment as he saw fit. He gave his brother Yagoub authority over police affairs, while the Judge of Islam had judicial authority. Al Khalifa relied on his Amirs in military matters and would meet daily with his senior advisors in the Shura Court to discuss the State’s affairs. He split the administration of the country into eight Amalat provinces, gave the title Amil (Governor) to the ruler of each province, and the title Amir to the commander of the army stationed there.
Al Khalifa divided the Amalat provinces into two types:
Military Amala, on the outskirts of the states, governed by military leaders, and the main line of defence against invasion.
Urban Amala, as the central prefectures ruled by Al Khalifa Abdullah, and supervised by civil officials.
Al Khalifa monitored the management of the Amalat using the postal system. He assigned to each Amil several Amirs to help lead and maintain their army, together with several tax collectors and a few confidential clerks who could correspond discreetly. When a crisis occurred, Al Khalifa Abdullah would send a delegation from the Trustees Council to investigate and solve it. Although Al Khalifa did not visit the Amalat, he would hold meetings on set dates during the festivals of Rajabiya (27 Rajab), Eid Al Adha, and Eid Al Fitr to keep himself informed of their affairs and to receive reports and consultations.
Cover picture: Shura Court © Khalifa House museum
Al Shoura Court
The Shoura Court is one of the most significant places in Al Khalifa Abdulla's house. It was where he daily consulted and exchanged views with the senior leaders of the Mahdiya state. In the state, Shoura (mutual consultation) was the customary way of making decisions. The Shoura court was also where the Shoura Council meetings took place. Several rooms attached to the court served these purposes, including guest rooms, rooms for the ministers, and an upper chamber for Al Khalifa’s personal retreat, his Khalwa.
Al Khalifa held annual meetings with members of the Shoura Council and the Majlis Al Hal Wal Aged, Council of Shariea, but emergency meetings could be called at any point. During the annual meetings, they discussed the most important matters and decisions of the Mahdiya state, as well as the nomination or removal of an Imam.
The Shoura Council comprised 46 members from every region of Sudan. Their chief duties were to provide consultation and advice to Al Khalifa and to take over his responsibilities in his absence. Sometimes there was an overlap in the Shoura Council’s authority with that of the Council of Shariea, which had 40 members: the Shoura Council selected thirty members and Al Khalifa ten members.
Administration of the Mahdiya State during the rule of Al Khalifa Abdullah
Following Imam Al Mahdi’s death, Al Khalifa Abdullah assumed leadership of the Mahdiya State. He did not fundamentally change the administrative foundation drawn up by Al Mahdi for the government. However, his longer rule meant he could focus on filling in the shortcomings and inconsistencies that appeared during the practical application of Al Mahdi’s plan.
Al Khalifa had the absolute authority to execute his judgment as he saw fit. He gave his brother Yagoub authority over police affairs, while the Judge of Islam had judicial authority. Al Khalifa relied on his Amirs in military matters and would meet daily with his senior advisors in the Shura Court to discuss the State’s affairs. He split the administration of the country into eight Amalat provinces, gave the title Amil (Governor) to the ruler of each province, and the title Amir to the commander of the army stationed there.
Al Khalifa divided the Amalat provinces into two types:
Military Amala, on the outskirts of the states, governed by military leaders, and the main line of defence against invasion.
Urban Amala, as the central prefectures ruled by Al Khalifa Abdullah, and supervised by civil officials.
Al Khalifa monitored the management of the Amalat using the postal system. He assigned to each Amil several Amirs to help lead and maintain their army, together with several tax collectors and a few confidential clerks who could correspond discreetly. When a crisis occurred, Al Khalifa Abdullah would send a delegation from the Trustees Council to investigate and solve it. Although Al Khalifa did not visit the Amalat, he would hold meetings on set dates during the festivals of Rajabiya (27 Rajab), Eid Al Adha, and Eid Al Fitr to keep himself informed of their affairs and to receive reports and consultations.
Cover picture: Shura Court © Khalifa House museum
Tobacco pipe
Tobacco pipe
Tobacco pipe with a pottery bowel with wooden stem and copper mouthpiece. In the 1930s,
when this pipe was made, tobacco was one of the main non-food crops in the Nuba
mountains. It was principally smoked by elder men and women as a leisure activity. In
addition to goats, suitors gifted tobacco to the relatives of the bride and tobacco was often
distributed to initiated men at festivals and other important events.
Af1939,30.43
© The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-
NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.
Tobacco pipe with a pottery bowel with wooden stem and copper mouthpiece. In the 1930s,
when this pipe was made, tobacco was one of the main non-food crops in the Nuba
mountains. It was principally smoked by elder men and women as a leisure activity. In
addition to goats, suitors gifted tobacco to the relatives of the bride and tobacco was often
distributed to initiated men at festivals and other important events.
Af1939,30.43
© The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-
NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.
Tobacco pipe with a pottery bowel with wooden stem and copper mouthpiece. In the 1930s,
when this pipe was made, tobacco was one of the main non-food crops in the Nuba
mountains. It was principally smoked by elder men and women as a leisure activity. In
addition to goats, suitors gifted tobacco to the relatives of the bride and tobacco was often
distributed to initiated men at festivals and other important events.
Af1939,30.43
© The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-
NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence.
Forms of Conflict Resolution and Wars in Sudan
Forms of Conflict Resolution and Wars in Sudan
Introduction
According to historical sources, Arabs entered Sudan before the arrival of Islam. The largest wave of Arab migration occurred following the Bugt Agreement of 652 AD between Muslim Arabs and the Nubians, towards whom the migrants were headed via the Nile from Egypt. Those who came to Sudan before Islam were renowned for their poetry which, being pre-Islamic is difficult to understand and has, here, been converted to prose:
Others have their civilisations but we are Bedouins. They have donkeys, while we have swords and good horses. If we raid those near us and find nothing to plunder, we raid those farther away. We even attack the firstborn of tribes who are our brothers if we find nothing to loot.
This poetic practice was common among Arab tribes in Sudan as wars and raids were prevalent for many years. The Sudanese have always been in awe of their Sufi holy men and have built shrines on their burial grounds. People believed that anyone who attacked the communities to which the holy men belonged would suffer illness, affliction, or death. Sudanese were therefore keen to demonstrate that their settlements were protected by the blessings of such men and sometimes even built shrines that did not contain a Sufi sheikh, to protect themselves against any possible attack.
Researcher Samir Mohamed Obaid says that in Sudan's history, before the Sultanate of Sennar, there was a period called the Qayman in which tribes would raid and steal each other’s camel herds. These raids were not considered theft but rather as an act of heroism. This was one of the main reasons why would claim noble lineage in relation to the Prophet Muhammad in order to evade these raids. The presence of a shrine became evidence of this lineage.
In this study, Anglo-Egyptian colonial powers created a Native Administration by appointing senior figures from various Arab tribes around Sudan. The Nazir, tribal chief, would arbitrate any disputes that arose among members of the tribe, whether with other members of the same tribe, or with those from other tribes. This was the norm in western Sudan, where Arab tribes were located, in central Sudan with the Jaliyin Arabs, and in the northern parts of central Sudan where the Rubatab, Manasir, and Shaigiya tribes had a Mak instead of a Nazir. In northernmost Sudan, the mayor, or Umdah, was in charge, while in eastern Sudan, the Beja had a Nazir. These leaders were responsible for waging and conducting wars.
Some of the wars in the history of Sudan have been documented, while others have not. There have been civil wars and wars with other countries, often arising from divisions within tribes. However, in many instances the warring sides sought peaceful solutions resulting in reconciliation between the belligerents.
In this research, we examine forms of war and conflict:
- Wars and reconciliations
- Wars of alliance
- Counter-wars and defensive wars
- Political Wars
We will study the following relevant groups:
- The Beja peoples
- The Bawadra (an Arab tribe)
- The Kawahla (an Arab tribe)
- The Shukriyya (an Arab tribe)
- The Batahin (an Arab tribe)
- The Taaysha (an Arab tribe)
Wars and reconciliation:
These were generally fostered by religious leaders. The Batahin tribes often fought against the Shukriyya, notably in conflicts such as the Battle of Mandara (171 AD), which took place in the Faw region. Subsequent battles included Ab-Haba, Al-Hajar, and Unwaan. Among the elders of the Batahin, there were those who were keen on maintaining peaceful relations between the Batahin and the Shukriyya. One such figure was Sheikh Abd-al-Bagi, a religious elder from the Batahin. He mediated peace between them in 1807 AD through treaties made between himself and the sons of Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin. Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin was the chief of the Butana region and governor of Khartoum and Sennar at the time. It is noticeable that this treaty was agreed very later on.
Wars of alliance:
Sheikh Birayr of the Batahin tribe had launched a raid on Karama, in the northernmost part of the Butana region. The Kawahla had prepared for their war against Sheikh Birayr a warrior named Muhammad al-Milejabi, who was tasked with recruiting Beja warriors in order to form an alliance in order to eradicate Birayr’s army and to arrest and kill the Sheikh. Al-Milejabi remained with the Amarar branch of the Beja in the Balk region for two years during which he selected strong fighters. These later joined forces, forming a united army to fight Sheikh Birayr whom they later captured and killed. Muhammad al-Milejabi cut off Birayrs hands and presented them to a woman named Shagnaba from a tribe who had fought alongside the Kawahla. The researcher, Al-Tayib Muhammad al-Tayib notes that numerous tribes coexisted with the Shukryyia in the Butana region, including the Batahin, Kawahla, and Rikabiyya and that several wars broke out between these tribes during the early part of the 16th century AD. This included the alliance between the Funj and Rikabiyya who clashed with the Shukriyya, led by their warrior Abu Ali. There were 4,000 of the allies compared to a small number of Shukriyya. However, the latter were able to kill the leaders of the alliance, Idris Wad al-Zaki and Karanka Abu Sin Duf, at the beginning of the battle, thereby securing victory for the Shukriyya.
The Beja lived alongside the Shukriyya in the Butana region, spread along the eastern banks of the Atbara River. In the battle of Rerah in 1744 AD, The Beja formed an alliance with the Shukriyya to fight the Batahin, and prepared to attack. As a result, the leader of the Batahin army, Al-Tikayt, retreated with his army to a distant land, far away from the Shukriyya, known as Abu Dilayg, east of present-day Khartoum.
Under the title ‘Relationships between Tribes,’ researchers Abd-al-Qadr Awad-al-Karim Hassan and Omar Abd-al-Rahim Kabosh, in their book ‘A Pause with the Poets of Butana’ state that the relationships between the tribes of the Butana plain are strong and well-established, governed by tribal custom, and that conflicts or hostilities are rare and that when such disputes arise, tribal leaders usually intervene to reconcile and restore harmony.
The tribes of the Butana region are nomadic by nature and are mostly herders of camels, sheep and goats. Conflict therefore often arises over competition for resources such as pastures, valleys, and sources of water and expanding one’s territory to secure more pasture lands has always been a cause of conflict. In addition, these wars often stemmed from a sense of tribal pride and perceived distinctions. In ancient times, disputes were resolved through tribal affiliation, which persisted until the establishment of the New Halfa agricultural project which transformed them from nomadic tribes to settled agricultural communities.
Wars and counter-wars means that one tribe fights another tribe or entity, and this conflict is followed by a counter-war, until one party stops fighting and does not return to it. We previously mentioned that the Beja had settled along the course of the Atbara River, east of the Butana region. This land was not owned by any entity however, in 1791, the Shukriyya leader, Awad-al-Karim Abu-Sin, claimed the Butana region as his own and gave himself the right to determine who could settle there and who could be displaced. The Sultan of the Funj, Badi Wad Dikaym reinforced Abu-Sin’s right.
The Beja, who were warriors, clashed with the Shukriyya over their attempt to displace them from the banks of the Atbara River. A branch of the Shukriyya known as the Turgab, the sons of Hamad al-Atarag, emerged as some of the fiercest fighters and military leaders in the Butana region to the extent that it is said that most of them perished in wars, with only two families remaining today.
The Beja fighters began the war but where defeated in their earlier battles with the Shukriyya. However, when they entered into war again, the Turgab had given leadership of their troops to a strong war veteran called Wad-al-Bashir who was described by one of their poets as follows:
Wad-al-Bashir rose up and crossed the river swimming
Heading towards their ranks, pointing like the fronds of a dom palm
The Beja who could every day muster an army
Wad-al-Bashir forced them to submit and be occupied only with their prayers and fasting
The meaning here is that Wad-al-Bashir set out towards the Beja east of the river that was in full spate and did his worst. The Beja had, until then, been sending an army to fight the Shukriyya every day however, Wad-al-Bashir’s crushing victory forced Beja to live a life of seclusion, praying and fasting to Allah never to wage war again.
An example of war and counter-war was between the Bawadra and the Qinan, both tribes from the Butana region. The researcher Yasir Abdallah Abd-al-Rahim al-Khalifa referred to the conflict between these two tribes as the ‘War of the Whips.’ He says that what sparked this conflict was an incident when a member of the Qinan cut off the tail of an ox belonging to one of the Bawadra women. The woman mourned the loss of her ox’s tail and swore not to eat with her right hand until she saw what the Bawadra warriors would do about what the Qinan youth had done to her ox. This was a longstanding Arab custom, urging warriors to seek revenge and to put right the wrong done to them.
When the Bawadra warriors mobilized to confront the Qinan, the warrior Wad Bilelah swore that the Bawadra should only use whips, rather than swords, to discipline the Qinan. And so, they approached the Qinan whips in hand, thus mocking and ridiculing the Qinan who were known for their bravery and strength. The following war unfolded in two stages namely The Battle of the Whips and the Battle of Swords and Heroes.
During the first stage, the Bawadra used whips, providing a golden opportunity for the Qinan, who had prepared themselves to face the Bawadra warriors with their swords. When the time for battle came, the Qinan warriors were surprised the Bawadra were armed only with whips. Within hours, the Qinan warriors advanced killing many of the Bawadra warriors and were on the brink of victory had the remaining Bawadra not used their opponents’ swords against them. That day the Bawadra learned the lesson and that as a result of their overconfidence and contempt of others, they had nearly paralysed their own army. At this stage of the war, the Bawadra sustained heavy losses with many of their warriors being killed as a result of this irresponsible action.
In the second stage of this war, the Bawadra from the western Blue Nile, led by the warrior Ain Bur, arrived with other branches of the Bawadra tribe such as the Bayada, Mashala, and Dabasin, among others. The warrior Ain Bur vowed to completely annihilate the Qinan tribe, and he did so, wiping them out entirely, sparing only women and children. After this, battles occurred at locations such as Al-Sada and Al-Rikabiyyah and Malwiya. Thus, the Qinan tribe was dispersed across eastern Sudan and Eritrea, leaving only a small number who now inhabit the Butana Beja regions.
Yet despite history of the Butana region stating that it was customary for tribes in this region to settle disputes or raids through self-regulation and peace agreements, we observe that this custom did not exist during earlier wars particularly from the 16th to the 18th century. The latter period, particularly under Ahmad Bey Abu Sin, was marked by relentless raids and warfare in the Butana region, with no room for negotiation or peace, only violence and control.
In the context of wars involving the Ajawid (elders), we note Gald al-Beja a custom prevalent in the lands of the Beja. These peoples are made up of four main groups; most notably the Beja, with its numerous subsections; the Beni Amir; the Halanga; and the Basharyin. The term Beja refers to all these tribes and their subsections. Gald al-Beja describes the group of Ajawid elders who sit with both sides to resolve any dispute that may erupt in their lands even if it is murder. The term Gald means the meeting to enforce a binding resolution to a dispute, that may not be rejected by any party present. In his dictionary of the Sudanese colloquial dialect, Dr Awn Alsharif Qasim defines Ajawid as those who mediate between disputing parties to resolve a conflict peacefully. This is an excellent definition.
Two notable Beja wars included the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Kimaylab and the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Nabatab. Despite the many wars among the Beja tribes and their subgroups, Qasim states that he would prefer not to dwell on these so as not to revive old enmity. Perhaps he believed that remembering these wars would stir up old animosities. However, it is certain that all manner of Beja disputes was governed by the Gald practice.
Meanwhile, the Bawadra entered into two major wars after their long conflict with the Qinan including the War of Al-Hajiz, a location between Khashm al-Girba and Kasala and the war of Al-Malwiya, which took place in the same location.
According to Qasim, a small railway station on a rail line connecting to Port Sudan saw bloodshed spilled as if it were the ‘damira’ meaning the Nile flooding. This conflict was mediated by the Rikabiyya, a group of holy men spread-out across Sudan.
Political wars are often initiated by sultans and rulers. Their objectives is to bring the warring group into submission and peace, as we will see. The war we begin with is the war between the Ham Arab of the Humur and the Maaliya. This began when the Maaliya Arabs intercepted a caravan travelling from Egypt to Darfur, killing the traders who were carrying textiles and sugar belonging to the sultan. Sultan Hussein, who ruled Dar al-Nur between 1829 and 1874, was enraged and summoned Sheikh Maki Walad Munim, leader of the Humur Arabs, saying ‘I give you permission to spill the blood and seize the wealth of the Maaliya.’ Sheikh Maki gathered his men and allies and launched a bloody attack that resulted in a victory for the Humur Arabs and the sultan. This was the Battle of Al-Qurtas, named after the small conical paper containers used to carry the sugar.
In 1821, Ismail Pasha, the son of Egypt's Khedive Muhammad Ali Pasha, invaded Sudan with his troops advancing until they reached the Funj Sultanate. The Funj ruler, Muhammad Wad Adlan, surrendered and submitted to Ismail Pasha, who then took control of Sudan. Upon returning to Egypt in 1822, Ismail Pasha arrived in the lands of the Jaliyyin, where the Mak Nimir had made plans to kill him. At the centre of a large gathering, Ismail Pasha sat with his entourage, demanding cattle and wealth to emphasise the Mak’s submission. Mak Nimir had surrounded the council with firewood and positioned his warriors to attack. When the fire was ignited, his warriors attacked, killing Ismail Pasha and his retinue by burning them alive. Mak Nimir then fled to Ethiopia with his family. This led to the devastating defeat of the Jaliyyin at the hands of the Diftirdar representatives of the Egyptian authorities.
This conflict was later reignited by Khalifa Abdullah al-Tayshi after the death of Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi in 1885. Al-Tayshi, who was the Mahdi’s successor, faced resistance from the Mahdi’s family, who claimed they were more entitled to the leadership and were Ashraaf, or descendants of the Prophet Muhammad’s lineage. This led to the struggle known as the Khalifa against Al-Ashraaf following the Mahdi’s death and which was essentially a power struggle—who was more rightful to lead the Mahdist state: the Sharifs due to their familial ties to Al-Mahdi, or the Khalifa, who held the second-highest position in the state during the Mahdi’s lifetime.
The Khalifa Abdullah mobilised the capital of the Mahdist state Omdurman and ordered his kin, the Taysha, and other worriers from tribes in Darfur, to arrest the rebellious Ashraaf. The Khalifa imprisoned all them, thus consolidating his rule over the Mahdist state until the Battle of Karari following the invasion of Sudan in 1898 by the colonial Anglo-Egyptian forces. The Khalifa fled with his followers and was later killed in Um Dibaykarat.
Disputes Ending in Reconciliation
The first recorded war to end in reconciliation was the one sparked by Abdullah Ibn Abi Sarh against the Nubians in Dongola in northern Sudan in 652 AD. This war culminated in the signing of the "Baqt Agreement," which included three key clauses:
· Name of the Agreement: Baqt
· Arabs may pass through the land of Nubia (Sudan) but may not settle there and Nubians may pass through the land of the Arabs (Egypt, Arabian Peninsula) but may not settle there.
· Mosque Maintenance: The mosque built by Ibn Abi Sarh in Dongola is to be illuminated and maintained by the Nubians.
Historians have debated the authenticity of the Baqt Agreement, with some interpretations contradicting verified historical facts. For example, in Dr Awn Alsharif’s dictionary the term Baqt is recorded as Bagit meaning summit in the Nubian language of Dongola.
However, Arabs remained in Sudan in contravention of the agreement’s clauses, and Nubians migrated and settled in Arab lands. As for the mosque, archaeologists have concluded that it was a more modern structure containing the tomb of a sheikh whom they disinterred. These findings cast doubt on the historical existence of the Baqt Agreement, suggesting instead that mutual contributions from both sides resulted in reconciliation.
In western Sudan, wars have always broken out between the Arab tribes and between Arab tribes and those tribespeople of non-Arab origin. There have long been conflicts between the Salamat tribe (an Arab tribe) and other Arab tribes such as the Taysha, and between the Rizeigat against the Awlad Hin and the Kabbash against the Kawahla, who migrated to Kordofan. There have also been conflicts between the Hawazma tribe against the Nuba of the Nuba Mountains, and between Arab tribes and the Zaghawa people in northern Darfur—who are non-Arab. Similarly, there have been wars between the same tribes and the Masalit in northern Darfur. However, the important point is that the native administration in both Darfur and Kordofan, have a longstanding tradition of resolving wars peacefully through the intervention of senior native administrators to resolve differences between the warring sides.
The Madarna Mahas, who cohabited the land of the Butana with the Shukriyya fought wars against the Arab Rufaiyya tribe that lives along the bank of the Blue Nile, not far from the Madarna, east of the Rufaiyya. This dispute was over the borders between the warring groups. The Rufaiyya and Shukriyya, who inhabited the Blue Nile region to the southeast, eventually mediated a peace agreement between the warring parties. The peace settlement stipulated that they would share the borders on condition they lived together peacefully.
In the early period of their settlement in the land of the Butana under the Shukriya tribe, there was a war between the Madarna and the Shukriyya that never fully escalated. Both the Shukriyya and Madarna warriors mobilized for battle, but peace was quickly achieved through the mediation of a group of Shukriyya wise men, in particular their leader, Sheikh Abd-al-Hadi. The Madarna poet, Qasim Wad Attar, chronicled this war, saying:
With the Shukriyya, we have contracts and oaths,
Except for those driven by self-interest – they are ancestors to none.
Riders of hardship in the darkest night,
Their bravest among the crowd, never turns away from the poor.
After the Nubians were forcibly displaced from northern Sudan to the Butana region between 1963–1964, their villages consisted of plots of agricultural land measuring 15 acres designated specifically for crops like peanuts and cotton, which they were unaccustomed to. To overcome this challenge, they relied on the agricultural expertise of migrant workers who moved to the New Halfa Agricultural Project. These migrant workers came from West Africa and Darfur but also included Nubians. Conflicts arose as follows:
A Nubian killed a West African migrant over a farming dispute, leading to threats of war. However, the Nubians sought a peaceful resolution, and through mediation, they agreed to pay compensation (blood money) of 5 pounds per household to all 26 villages, amounting to 250 pounds per village. The affected villages in New Halfa boycotted farming, claiming they had worked on these plots for 35 years and deserved ownership. Disputes arose over compensation demands, particularly from Zaghawa laborers from Chad and Darfur, who sought a total of 32,500 pounds. The Nubians paid this amount in 1991 without involving the police or courts and the peace has thus been kept until this day.
In 2010, another conflict occurred involving migrant workers from Libya over the same farm plots. The residents of Village 10 resisted their claims which escalated the situation and resulted in the killing of farm workers in front of the village mosque, with the remainder fleeing the village. The residents of the neighbouring village were on the brink of intervening, but mediators stepped in. Three mediators from Khartoum were summoned to New Halfa, where negotiations took place. Ultimately, the mediators facilitated a resolution where the Zaghawa paid 65,000 pounds in compensation for the two killed workers, allowing work to continue.
Forms of Peace and Reconciliation
The political authority in Sudan traditionally viewed the country as divided into two regions, the North, predominantly Muslim, and the South, predominantly Christian. The separation of the South in 2011 resulted in a predominantly Muslim state in the North. In the case of a dispute—whether this involved murder, border conflicts, land disputes, or conflicts over grazing rights—the resolution typically followed one of the following:The Koran, Hadith, Islamic Sharia, tribal customs (urf) and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh).
These usually applied to Sudan’s Arabs particularly in the desert regions of the East and West. However, the conflict between Muslim Arabs and Christian Nubians, and the consequent Baqt agreement in 652 AD, remains an exception.
The Ajawid are considered men of knowledge who mediate disputes fairly and play a significant role in resolving conflicts. They, along with tribal leaders, religious figures, and native administrators, often intervene in public matters such as disputes or conflicts. Tribal leaders, religious scholars, and Sufi holy men are held in high esteem by everyone and their opinions are adhered to.
The majority of Sudanese adhere to the Maliki school of Islamic jurisprudence, while those in the far East adhere to the Shafi school, with some following the Hanafi school. Fiqh (Islamic legal reasoning) is less frequently used as a source of mediation, as its application varies among the four major Islamic schools.
In instances where there is a desire to reconcile, individuals are appointed to mediate, and meetings are convened. Tribal leaders are often called upon for larger disputes like wars or murder, while smaller conflicts, such as boundary or grazing disputes, are handled without their direct involvement. The Ajawid often play a central role in organizing and conducting these negotiations, with tribal customs being a guiding factor.
In these meetings, delegates are chosen to facilitate the process, with larger delegations enhancing their authority. In Darfur and Kordofan, the Hakama (poet-mediators) play an important role in easing tensions through spoken word, which helps bridge the gap between conflicting parties. Their role is significant, as they often offer persuasive and reasoned arguments.
Several methods are employed in conflict resolution including inviting the disputants to a specific location on a set date, a tribal leader mediating between the parties, delegates chosen by both sides to negotiate and agree upon a time and location.
The process often begins with a Koranic citation by a religious figure emphasizing verses that promote peace and reconciliation such as "and we have made you peoples and tribes so that you may know one another" or “and if they incline towards peace, then incline to it as well” or “peace be upon you, a word from a Merciful God.”
After the religious readings, a Sufi invocation may follow focussing on peace and unity. The mediators then introduce the Hakama to say her piece and then it is their turn to convey the message they have agreed upon beforehand. Disputants listen respectfully, either agreeing or rejecting what is said in a courteous manner. In all cases, mediators are known for their wisdom and experience in persuading others. If a consensus is reached, a ritual involving the slaughter of livestock as a sacrifice typically follows and is offered by the host to the guests involved. Since it is a given that all parties are Muslim, those gathered always arrive at the conclusion that peace is the best outcome and verses of the Koran and supplications invoking peace are read out. However, in the case of murder, blood money (diyya) is often negotiated and paid, typically facilitated by religious figures and Sufi leaders.
Cover picture: Court is in session, with the judges sitting in a row, El Fasher, 1950 © Durham Sudan archive
Introduction
According to historical sources, Arabs entered Sudan before the arrival of Islam. The largest wave of Arab migration occurred following the Bugt Agreement of 652 AD between Muslim Arabs and the Nubians, towards whom the migrants were headed via the Nile from Egypt. Those who came to Sudan before Islam were renowned for their poetry which, being pre-Islamic is difficult to understand and has, here, been converted to prose:
Others have their civilisations but we are Bedouins. They have donkeys, while we have swords and good horses. If we raid those near us and find nothing to plunder, we raid those farther away. We even attack the firstborn of tribes who are our brothers if we find nothing to loot.
This poetic practice was common among Arab tribes in Sudan as wars and raids were prevalent for many years. The Sudanese have always been in awe of their Sufi holy men and have built shrines on their burial grounds. People believed that anyone who attacked the communities to which the holy men belonged would suffer illness, affliction, or death. Sudanese were therefore keen to demonstrate that their settlements were protected by the blessings of such men and sometimes even built shrines that did not contain a Sufi sheikh, to protect themselves against any possible attack.
Researcher Samir Mohamed Obaid says that in Sudan's history, before the Sultanate of Sennar, there was a period called the Qayman in which tribes would raid and steal each other’s camel herds. These raids were not considered theft but rather as an act of heroism. This was one of the main reasons why would claim noble lineage in relation to the Prophet Muhammad in order to evade these raids. The presence of a shrine became evidence of this lineage.
In this study, Anglo-Egyptian colonial powers created a Native Administration by appointing senior figures from various Arab tribes around Sudan. The Nazir, tribal chief, would arbitrate any disputes that arose among members of the tribe, whether with other members of the same tribe, or with those from other tribes. This was the norm in western Sudan, where Arab tribes were located, in central Sudan with the Jaliyin Arabs, and in the northern parts of central Sudan where the Rubatab, Manasir, and Shaigiya tribes had a Mak instead of a Nazir. In northernmost Sudan, the mayor, or Umdah, was in charge, while in eastern Sudan, the Beja had a Nazir. These leaders were responsible for waging and conducting wars.
Some of the wars in the history of Sudan have been documented, while others have not. There have been civil wars and wars with other countries, often arising from divisions within tribes. However, in many instances the warring sides sought peaceful solutions resulting in reconciliation between the belligerents.
In this research, we examine forms of war and conflict:
- Wars and reconciliations
- Wars of alliance
- Counter-wars and defensive wars
- Political Wars
We will study the following relevant groups:
- The Beja peoples
- The Bawadra (an Arab tribe)
- The Kawahla (an Arab tribe)
- The Shukriyya (an Arab tribe)
- The Batahin (an Arab tribe)
- The Taaysha (an Arab tribe)
Wars and reconciliation:
These were generally fostered by religious leaders. The Batahin tribes often fought against the Shukriyya, notably in conflicts such as the Battle of Mandara (171 AD), which took place in the Faw region. Subsequent battles included Ab-Haba, Al-Hajar, and Unwaan. Among the elders of the Batahin, there were those who were keen on maintaining peaceful relations between the Batahin and the Shukriyya. One such figure was Sheikh Abd-al-Bagi, a religious elder from the Batahin. He mediated peace between them in 1807 AD through treaties made between himself and the sons of Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin. Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin was the chief of the Butana region and governor of Khartoum and Sennar at the time. It is noticeable that this treaty was agreed very later on.
Wars of alliance:
Sheikh Birayr of the Batahin tribe had launched a raid on Karama, in the northernmost part of the Butana region. The Kawahla had prepared for their war against Sheikh Birayr a warrior named Muhammad al-Milejabi, who was tasked with recruiting Beja warriors in order to form an alliance in order to eradicate Birayr’s army and to arrest and kill the Sheikh. Al-Milejabi remained with the Amarar branch of the Beja in the Balk region for two years during which he selected strong fighters. These later joined forces, forming a united army to fight Sheikh Birayr whom they later captured and killed. Muhammad al-Milejabi cut off Birayrs hands and presented them to a woman named Shagnaba from a tribe who had fought alongside the Kawahla. The researcher, Al-Tayib Muhammad al-Tayib notes that numerous tribes coexisted with the Shukryyia in the Butana region, including the Batahin, Kawahla, and Rikabiyya and that several wars broke out between these tribes during the early part of the 16th century AD. This included the alliance between the Funj and Rikabiyya who clashed with the Shukriyya, led by their warrior Abu Ali. There were 4,000 of the allies compared to a small number of Shukriyya. However, the latter were able to kill the leaders of the alliance, Idris Wad al-Zaki and Karanka Abu Sin Duf, at the beginning of the battle, thereby securing victory for the Shukriyya.
The Beja lived alongside the Shukriyya in the Butana region, spread along the eastern banks of the Atbara River. In the battle of Rerah in 1744 AD, The Beja formed an alliance with the Shukriyya to fight the Batahin, and prepared to attack. As a result, the leader of the Batahin army, Al-Tikayt, retreated with his army to a distant land, far away from the Shukriyya, known as Abu Dilayg, east of present-day Khartoum.
Under the title ‘Relationships between Tribes,’ researchers Abd-al-Qadr Awad-al-Karim Hassan and Omar Abd-al-Rahim Kabosh, in their book ‘A Pause with the Poets of Butana’ state that the relationships between the tribes of the Butana plain are strong and well-established, governed by tribal custom, and that conflicts or hostilities are rare and that when such disputes arise, tribal leaders usually intervene to reconcile and restore harmony.
The tribes of the Butana region are nomadic by nature and are mostly herders of camels, sheep and goats. Conflict therefore often arises over competition for resources such as pastures, valleys, and sources of water and expanding one’s territory to secure more pasture lands has always been a cause of conflict. In addition, these wars often stemmed from a sense of tribal pride and perceived distinctions. In ancient times, disputes were resolved through tribal affiliation, which persisted until the establishment of the New Halfa agricultural project which transformed them from nomadic tribes to settled agricultural communities.
Wars and counter-wars means that one tribe fights another tribe or entity, and this conflict is followed by a counter-war, until one party stops fighting and does not return to it. We previously mentioned that the Beja had settled along the course of the Atbara River, east of the Butana region. This land was not owned by any entity however, in 1791, the Shukriyya leader, Awad-al-Karim Abu-Sin, claimed the Butana region as his own and gave himself the right to determine who could settle there and who could be displaced. The Sultan of the Funj, Badi Wad Dikaym reinforced Abu-Sin’s right.
The Beja, who were warriors, clashed with the Shukriyya over their attempt to displace them from the banks of the Atbara River. A branch of the Shukriyya known as the Turgab, the sons of Hamad al-Atarag, emerged as some of the fiercest fighters and military leaders in the Butana region to the extent that it is said that most of them perished in wars, with only two families remaining today.
The Beja fighters began the war but where defeated in their earlier battles with the Shukriyya. However, when they entered into war again, the Turgab had given leadership of their troops to a strong war veteran called Wad-al-Bashir who was described by one of their poets as follows:
Wad-al-Bashir rose up and crossed the river swimming
Heading towards their ranks, pointing like the fronds of a dom palm
The Beja who could every day muster an army
Wad-al-Bashir forced them to submit and be occupied only with their prayers and fasting
The meaning here is that Wad-al-Bashir set out towards the Beja east of the river that was in full spate and did his worst. The Beja had, until then, been sending an army to fight the Shukriyya every day however, Wad-al-Bashir’s crushing victory forced Beja to live a life of seclusion, praying and fasting to Allah never to wage war again.
An example of war and counter-war was between the Bawadra and the Qinan, both tribes from the Butana region. The researcher Yasir Abdallah Abd-al-Rahim al-Khalifa referred to the conflict between these two tribes as the ‘War of the Whips.’ He says that what sparked this conflict was an incident when a member of the Qinan cut off the tail of an ox belonging to one of the Bawadra women. The woman mourned the loss of her ox’s tail and swore not to eat with her right hand until she saw what the Bawadra warriors would do about what the Qinan youth had done to her ox. This was a longstanding Arab custom, urging warriors to seek revenge and to put right the wrong done to them.
When the Bawadra warriors mobilized to confront the Qinan, the warrior Wad Bilelah swore that the Bawadra should only use whips, rather than swords, to discipline the Qinan. And so, they approached the Qinan whips in hand, thus mocking and ridiculing the Qinan who were known for their bravery and strength. The following war unfolded in two stages namely The Battle of the Whips and the Battle of Swords and Heroes.
During the first stage, the Bawadra used whips, providing a golden opportunity for the Qinan, who had prepared themselves to face the Bawadra warriors with their swords. When the time for battle came, the Qinan warriors were surprised the Bawadra were armed only with whips. Within hours, the Qinan warriors advanced killing many of the Bawadra warriors and were on the brink of victory had the remaining Bawadra not used their opponents’ swords against them. That day the Bawadra learned the lesson and that as a result of their overconfidence and contempt of others, they had nearly paralysed their own army. At this stage of the war, the Bawadra sustained heavy losses with many of their warriors being killed as a result of this irresponsible action.
In the second stage of this war, the Bawadra from the western Blue Nile, led by the warrior Ain Bur, arrived with other branches of the Bawadra tribe such as the Bayada, Mashala, and Dabasin, among others. The warrior Ain Bur vowed to completely annihilate the Qinan tribe, and he did so, wiping them out entirely, sparing only women and children. After this, battles occurred at locations such as Al-Sada and Al-Rikabiyyah and Malwiya. Thus, the Qinan tribe was dispersed across eastern Sudan and Eritrea, leaving only a small number who now inhabit the Butana Beja regions.
Yet despite history of the Butana region stating that it was customary for tribes in this region to settle disputes or raids through self-regulation and peace agreements, we observe that this custom did not exist during earlier wars particularly from the 16th to the 18th century. The latter period, particularly under Ahmad Bey Abu Sin, was marked by relentless raids and warfare in the Butana region, with no room for negotiation or peace, only violence and control.
In the context of wars involving the Ajawid (elders), we note Gald al-Beja a custom prevalent in the lands of the Beja. These peoples are made up of four main groups; most notably the Beja, with its numerous subsections; the Beni Amir; the Halanga; and the Basharyin. The term Beja refers to all these tribes and their subsections. Gald al-Beja describes the group of Ajawid elders who sit with both sides to resolve any dispute that may erupt in their lands even if it is murder. The term Gald means the meeting to enforce a binding resolution to a dispute, that may not be rejected by any party present. In his dictionary of the Sudanese colloquial dialect, Dr Awn Alsharif Qasim defines Ajawid as those who mediate between disputing parties to resolve a conflict peacefully. This is an excellent definition.
Two notable Beja wars included the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Kimaylab and the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Nabatab. Despite the many wars among the Beja tribes and their subgroups, Qasim states that he would prefer not to dwell on these so as not to revive old enmity. Perhaps he believed that remembering these wars would stir up old animosities. However, it is certain that all manner of Beja disputes was governed by the Gald practice.
Meanwhile, the Bawadra entered into two major wars after their long conflict with the Qinan including the War of Al-Hajiz, a location between Khashm al-Girba and Kasala and the war of Al-Malwiya, which took place in the same location.
According to Qasim, a small railway station on a rail line connecting to Port Sudan saw bloodshed spilled as if it were the ‘damira’ meaning the Nile flooding. This conflict was mediated by the Rikabiyya, a group of holy men spread-out across Sudan.
Political wars are often initiated by sultans and rulers. Their objectives is to bring the warring group into submission and peace, as we will see. The war we begin with is the war between the Ham Arab of the Humur and the Maaliya. This began when the Maaliya Arabs intercepted a caravan travelling from Egypt to Darfur, killing the traders who were carrying textiles and sugar belonging to the sultan. Sultan Hussein, who ruled Dar al-Nur between 1829 and 1874, was enraged and summoned Sheikh Maki Walad Munim, leader of the Humur Arabs, saying ‘I give you permission to spill the blood and seize the wealth of the Maaliya.’ Sheikh Maki gathered his men and allies and launched a bloody attack that resulted in a victory for the Humur Arabs and the sultan. This was the Battle of Al-Qurtas, named after the small conical paper containers used to carry the sugar.
In 1821, Ismail Pasha, the son of Egypt's Khedive Muhammad Ali Pasha, invaded Sudan with his troops advancing until they reached the Funj Sultanate. The Funj ruler, Muhammad Wad Adlan, surrendered and submitted to Ismail Pasha, who then took control of Sudan. Upon returning to Egypt in 1822, Ismail Pasha arrived in the lands of the Jaliyyin, where the Mak Nimir had made plans to kill him. At the centre of a large gathering, Ismail Pasha sat with his entourage, demanding cattle and wealth to emphasise the Mak’s submission. Mak Nimir had surrounded the council with firewood and positioned his warriors to attack. When the fire was ignited, his warriors attacked, killing Ismail Pasha and his retinue by burning them alive. Mak Nimir then fled to Ethiopia with his family. This led to the devastating defeat of the Jaliyyin at the hands of the Diftirdar representatives of the Egyptian authorities.
This conflict was later reignited by Khalifa Abdullah al-Tayshi after the death of Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi in 1885. Al-Tayshi, who was the Mahdi’s successor, faced resistance from the Mahdi’s family, who claimed they were more entitled to the leadership and were Ashraaf, or descendants of the Prophet Muhammad’s lineage. This led to the struggle known as the Khalifa against Al-Ashraaf following the Mahdi’s death and which was essentially a power struggle—who was more rightful to lead the Mahdist state: the Sharifs due to their familial ties to Al-Mahdi, or the Khalifa, who held the second-highest position in the state during the Mahdi’s lifetime.
The Khalifa Abdullah mobilised the capital of the Mahdist state Omdurman and ordered his kin, the Taysha, and other worriers from tribes in Darfur, to arrest the rebellious Ashraaf. The Khalifa imprisoned all them, thus consolidating his rule over the Mahdist state until the Battle of Karari following the invasion of Sudan in 1898 by the colonial Anglo-Egyptian forces. The Khalifa fled with his followers and was later killed in Um Dibaykarat.
Disputes Ending in Reconciliation
The first recorded war to end in reconciliation was the one sparked by Abdullah Ibn Abi Sarh against the Nubians in Dongola in northern Sudan in 652 AD. This war culminated in the signing of the "Baqt Agreement," which included three key clauses:
· Name of the Agreement: Baqt
· Arabs may pass through the land of Nubia (Sudan) but may not settle there and Nubians may pass through the land of the Arabs (Egypt, Arabian Peninsula) but may not settle there.
· Mosque Maintenance: The mosque built by Ibn Abi Sarh in Dongola is to be illuminated and maintained by the Nubians.
Historians have debated the authenticity of the Baqt Agreement, with some interpretations contradicting verified historical facts. For example, in Dr Awn Alsharif’s dictionary the term Baqt is recorded as Bagit meaning summit in the Nubian language of Dongola.
However, Arabs remained in Sudan in contravention of the agreement’s clauses, and Nubians migrated and settled in Arab lands. As for the mosque, archaeologists have concluded that it was a more modern structure containing the tomb of a sheikh whom they disinterred. These findings cast doubt on the historical existence of the Baqt Agreement, suggesting instead that mutual contributions from both sides resulted in reconciliation.
In western Sudan, wars have always broken out between the Arab tribes and between Arab tribes and those tribespeople of non-Arab origin. There have long been conflicts between the Salamat tribe (an Arab tribe) and other Arab tribes such as the Taysha, and between the Rizeigat against the Awlad Hin and the Kabbash against the Kawahla, who migrated to Kordofan. There have also been conflicts between the Hawazma tribe against the Nuba of the Nuba Mountains, and between Arab tribes and the Zaghawa people in northern Darfur—who are non-Arab. Similarly, there have been wars between the same tribes and the Masalit in northern Darfur. However, the important point is that the native administration in both Darfur and Kordofan, have a longstanding tradition of resolving wars peacefully through the intervention of senior native administrators to resolve differences between the warring sides.
The Madarna Mahas, who cohabited the land of the Butana with the Shukriyya fought wars against the Arab Rufaiyya tribe that lives along the bank of the Blue Nile, not far from the Madarna, east of the Rufaiyya. This dispute was over the borders between the warring groups. The Rufaiyya and Shukriyya, who inhabited the Blue Nile region to the southeast, eventually mediated a peace agreement between the warring parties. The peace settlement stipulated that they would share the borders on condition they lived together peacefully.
In the early period of their settlement in the land of the Butana under the Shukriya tribe, there was a war between the Madarna and the Shukriyya that never fully escalated. Both the Shukriyya and Madarna warriors mobilized for battle, but peace was quickly achieved through the mediation of a group of Shukriyya wise men, in particular their leader, Sheikh Abd-al-Hadi. The Madarna poet, Qasim Wad Attar, chronicled this war, saying:
With the Shukriyya, we have contracts and oaths,
Except for those driven by self-interest – they are ancestors to none.
Riders of hardship in the darkest night,
Their bravest among the crowd, never turns away from the poor.
After the Nubians were forcibly displaced from northern Sudan to the Butana region between 1963–1964, their villages consisted of plots of agricultural land measuring 15 acres designated specifically for crops like peanuts and cotton, which they were unaccustomed to. To overcome this challenge, they relied on the agricultural expertise of migrant workers who moved to the New Halfa Agricultural Project. These migrant workers came from West Africa and Darfur but also included Nubians. Conflicts arose as follows:
A Nubian killed a West African migrant over a farming dispute, leading to threats of war. However, the Nubians sought a peaceful resolution, and through mediation, they agreed to pay compensation (blood money) of 5 pounds per household to all 26 villages, amounting to 250 pounds per village. The affected villages in New Halfa boycotted farming, claiming they had worked on these plots for 35 years and deserved ownership. Disputes arose over compensation demands, particularly from Zaghawa laborers from Chad and Darfur, who sought a total of 32,500 pounds. The Nubians paid this amount in 1991 without involving the police or courts and the peace has thus been kept until this day.
In 2010, another conflict occurred involving migrant workers from Libya over the same farm plots. The residents of Village 10 resisted their claims which escalated the situation and resulted in the killing of farm workers in front of the village mosque, with the remainder fleeing the village. The residents of the neighbouring village were on the brink of intervening, but mediators stepped in. Three mediators from Khartoum were summoned to New Halfa, where negotiations took place. Ultimately, the mediators facilitated a resolution where the Zaghawa paid 65,000 pounds in compensation for the two killed workers, allowing work to continue.
Forms of Peace and Reconciliation
The political authority in Sudan traditionally viewed the country as divided into two regions, the North, predominantly Muslim, and the South, predominantly Christian. The separation of the South in 2011 resulted in a predominantly Muslim state in the North. In the case of a dispute—whether this involved murder, border conflicts, land disputes, or conflicts over grazing rights—the resolution typically followed one of the following:The Koran, Hadith, Islamic Sharia, tribal customs (urf) and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh).
These usually applied to Sudan’s Arabs particularly in the desert regions of the East and West. However, the conflict between Muslim Arabs and Christian Nubians, and the consequent Baqt agreement in 652 AD, remains an exception.
The Ajawid are considered men of knowledge who mediate disputes fairly and play a significant role in resolving conflicts. They, along with tribal leaders, religious figures, and native administrators, often intervene in public matters such as disputes or conflicts. Tribal leaders, religious scholars, and Sufi holy men are held in high esteem by everyone and their opinions are adhered to.
The majority of Sudanese adhere to the Maliki school of Islamic jurisprudence, while those in the far East adhere to the Shafi school, with some following the Hanafi school. Fiqh (Islamic legal reasoning) is less frequently used as a source of mediation, as its application varies among the four major Islamic schools.
In instances where there is a desire to reconcile, individuals are appointed to mediate, and meetings are convened. Tribal leaders are often called upon for larger disputes like wars or murder, while smaller conflicts, such as boundary or grazing disputes, are handled without their direct involvement. The Ajawid often play a central role in organizing and conducting these negotiations, with tribal customs being a guiding factor.
In these meetings, delegates are chosen to facilitate the process, with larger delegations enhancing their authority. In Darfur and Kordofan, the Hakama (poet-mediators) play an important role in easing tensions through spoken word, which helps bridge the gap between conflicting parties. Their role is significant, as they often offer persuasive and reasoned arguments.
Several methods are employed in conflict resolution including inviting the disputants to a specific location on a set date, a tribal leader mediating between the parties, delegates chosen by both sides to negotiate and agree upon a time and location.
The process often begins with a Koranic citation by a religious figure emphasizing verses that promote peace and reconciliation such as "and we have made you peoples and tribes so that you may know one another" or “and if they incline towards peace, then incline to it as well” or “peace be upon you, a word from a Merciful God.”
After the religious readings, a Sufi invocation may follow focussing on peace and unity. The mediators then introduce the Hakama to say her piece and then it is their turn to convey the message they have agreed upon beforehand. Disputants listen respectfully, either agreeing or rejecting what is said in a courteous manner. In all cases, mediators are known for their wisdom and experience in persuading others. If a consensus is reached, a ritual involving the slaughter of livestock as a sacrifice typically follows and is offered by the host to the guests involved. Since it is a given that all parties are Muslim, those gathered always arrive at the conclusion that peace is the best outcome and verses of the Koran and supplications invoking peace are read out. However, in the case of murder, blood money (diyya) is often negotiated and paid, typically facilitated by religious figures and Sufi leaders.
Cover picture: Court is in session, with the judges sitting in a row, El Fasher, 1950 © Durham Sudan archive
Introduction
According to historical sources, Arabs entered Sudan before the arrival of Islam. The largest wave of Arab migration occurred following the Bugt Agreement of 652 AD between Muslim Arabs and the Nubians, towards whom the migrants were headed via the Nile from Egypt. Those who came to Sudan before Islam were renowned for their poetry which, being pre-Islamic is difficult to understand and has, here, been converted to prose:
Others have their civilisations but we are Bedouins. They have donkeys, while we have swords and good horses. If we raid those near us and find nothing to plunder, we raid those farther away. We even attack the firstborn of tribes who are our brothers if we find nothing to loot.
This poetic practice was common among Arab tribes in Sudan as wars and raids were prevalent for many years. The Sudanese have always been in awe of their Sufi holy men and have built shrines on their burial grounds. People believed that anyone who attacked the communities to which the holy men belonged would suffer illness, affliction, or death. Sudanese were therefore keen to demonstrate that their settlements were protected by the blessings of such men and sometimes even built shrines that did not contain a Sufi sheikh, to protect themselves against any possible attack.
Researcher Samir Mohamed Obaid says that in Sudan's history, before the Sultanate of Sennar, there was a period called the Qayman in which tribes would raid and steal each other’s camel herds. These raids were not considered theft but rather as an act of heroism. This was one of the main reasons why would claim noble lineage in relation to the Prophet Muhammad in order to evade these raids. The presence of a shrine became evidence of this lineage.
In this study, Anglo-Egyptian colonial powers created a Native Administration by appointing senior figures from various Arab tribes around Sudan. The Nazir, tribal chief, would arbitrate any disputes that arose among members of the tribe, whether with other members of the same tribe, or with those from other tribes. This was the norm in western Sudan, where Arab tribes were located, in central Sudan with the Jaliyin Arabs, and in the northern parts of central Sudan where the Rubatab, Manasir, and Shaigiya tribes had a Mak instead of a Nazir. In northernmost Sudan, the mayor, or Umdah, was in charge, while in eastern Sudan, the Beja had a Nazir. These leaders were responsible for waging and conducting wars.
Some of the wars in the history of Sudan have been documented, while others have not. There have been civil wars and wars with other countries, often arising from divisions within tribes. However, in many instances the warring sides sought peaceful solutions resulting in reconciliation between the belligerents.
In this research, we examine forms of war and conflict:
- Wars and reconciliations
- Wars of alliance
- Counter-wars and defensive wars
- Political Wars
We will study the following relevant groups:
- The Beja peoples
- The Bawadra (an Arab tribe)
- The Kawahla (an Arab tribe)
- The Shukriyya (an Arab tribe)
- The Batahin (an Arab tribe)
- The Taaysha (an Arab tribe)
Wars and reconciliation:
These were generally fostered by religious leaders. The Batahin tribes often fought against the Shukriyya, notably in conflicts such as the Battle of Mandara (171 AD), which took place in the Faw region. Subsequent battles included Ab-Haba, Al-Hajar, and Unwaan. Among the elders of the Batahin, there were those who were keen on maintaining peaceful relations between the Batahin and the Shukriyya. One such figure was Sheikh Abd-al-Bagi, a religious elder from the Batahin. He mediated peace between them in 1807 AD through treaties made between himself and the sons of Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin. Ahmad Pasha Abu Sin was the chief of the Butana region and governor of Khartoum and Sennar at the time. It is noticeable that this treaty was agreed very later on.
Wars of alliance:
Sheikh Birayr of the Batahin tribe had launched a raid on Karama, in the northernmost part of the Butana region. The Kawahla had prepared for their war against Sheikh Birayr a warrior named Muhammad al-Milejabi, who was tasked with recruiting Beja warriors in order to form an alliance in order to eradicate Birayr’s army and to arrest and kill the Sheikh. Al-Milejabi remained with the Amarar branch of the Beja in the Balk region for two years during which he selected strong fighters. These later joined forces, forming a united army to fight Sheikh Birayr whom they later captured and killed. Muhammad al-Milejabi cut off Birayrs hands and presented them to a woman named Shagnaba from a tribe who had fought alongside the Kawahla. The researcher, Al-Tayib Muhammad al-Tayib notes that numerous tribes coexisted with the Shukryyia in the Butana region, including the Batahin, Kawahla, and Rikabiyya and that several wars broke out between these tribes during the early part of the 16th century AD. This included the alliance between the Funj and Rikabiyya who clashed with the Shukriyya, led by their warrior Abu Ali. There were 4,000 of the allies compared to a small number of Shukriyya. However, the latter were able to kill the leaders of the alliance, Idris Wad al-Zaki and Karanka Abu Sin Duf, at the beginning of the battle, thereby securing victory for the Shukriyya.
The Beja lived alongside the Shukriyya in the Butana region, spread along the eastern banks of the Atbara River. In the battle of Rerah in 1744 AD, The Beja formed an alliance with the Shukriyya to fight the Batahin, and prepared to attack. As a result, the leader of the Batahin army, Al-Tikayt, retreated with his army to a distant land, far away from the Shukriyya, known as Abu Dilayg, east of present-day Khartoum.
Under the title ‘Relationships between Tribes,’ researchers Abd-al-Qadr Awad-al-Karim Hassan and Omar Abd-al-Rahim Kabosh, in their book ‘A Pause with the Poets of Butana’ state that the relationships between the tribes of the Butana plain are strong and well-established, governed by tribal custom, and that conflicts or hostilities are rare and that when such disputes arise, tribal leaders usually intervene to reconcile and restore harmony.
The tribes of the Butana region are nomadic by nature and are mostly herders of camels, sheep and goats. Conflict therefore often arises over competition for resources such as pastures, valleys, and sources of water and expanding one’s territory to secure more pasture lands has always been a cause of conflict. In addition, these wars often stemmed from a sense of tribal pride and perceived distinctions. In ancient times, disputes were resolved through tribal affiliation, which persisted until the establishment of the New Halfa agricultural project which transformed them from nomadic tribes to settled agricultural communities.
Wars and counter-wars means that one tribe fights another tribe or entity, and this conflict is followed by a counter-war, until one party stops fighting and does not return to it. We previously mentioned that the Beja had settled along the course of the Atbara River, east of the Butana region. This land was not owned by any entity however, in 1791, the Shukriyya leader, Awad-al-Karim Abu-Sin, claimed the Butana region as his own and gave himself the right to determine who could settle there and who could be displaced. The Sultan of the Funj, Badi Wad Dikaym reinforced Abu-Sin’s right.
The Beja, who were warriors, clashed with the Shukriyya over their attempt to displace them from the banks of the Atbara River. A branch of the Shukriyya known as the Turgab, the sons of Hamad al-Atarag, emerged as some of the fiercest fighters and military leaders in the Butana region to the extent that it is said that most of them perished in wars, with only two families remaining today.
The Beja fighters began the war but where defeated in their earlier battles with the Shukriyya. However, when they entered into war again, the Turgab had given leadership of their troops to a strong war veteran called Wad-al-Bashir who was described by one of their poets as follows:
Wad-al-Bashir rose up and crossed the river swimming
Heading towards their ranks, pointing like the fronds of a dom palm
The Beja who could every day muster an army
Wad-al-Bashir forced them to submit and be occupied only with their prayers and fasting
The meaning here is that Wad-al-Bashir set out towards the Beja east of the river that was in full spate and did his worst. The Beja had, until then, been sending an army to fight the Shukriyya every day however, Wad-al-Bashir’s crushing victory forced Beja to live a life of seclusion, praying and fasting to Allah never to wage war again.
An example of war and counter-war was between the Bawadra and the Qinan, both tribes from the Butana region. The researcher Yasir Abdallah Abd-al-Rahim al-Khalifa referred to the conflict between these two tribes as the ‘War of the Whips.’ He says that what sparked this conflict was an incident when a member of the Qinan cut off the tail of an ox belonging to one of the Bawadra women. The woman mourned the loss of her ox’s tail and swore not to eat with her right hand until she saw what the Bawadra warriors would do about what the Qinan youth had done to her ox. This was a longstanding Arab custom, urging warriors to seek revenge and to put right the wrong done to them.
When the Bawadra warriors mobilized to confront the Qinan, the warrior Wad Bilelah swore that the Bawadra should only use whips, rather than swords, to discipline the Qinan. And so, they approached the Qinan whips in hand, thus mocking and ridiculing the Qinan who were known for their bravery and strength. The following war unfolded in two stages namely The Battle of the Whips and the Battle of Swords and Heroes.
During the first stage, the Bawadra used whips, providing a golden opportunity for the Qinan, who had prepared themselves to face the Bawadra warriors with their swords. When the time for battle came, the Qinan warriors were surprised the Bawadra were armed only with whips. Within hours, the Qinan warriors advanced killing many of the Bawadra warriors and were on the brink of victory had the remaining Bawadra not used their opponents’ swords against them. That day the Bawadra learned the lesson and that as a result of their overconfidence and contempt of others, they had nearly paralysed their own army. At this stage of the war, the Bawadra sustained heavy losses with many of their warriors being killed as a result of this irresponsible action.
In the second stage of this war, the Bawadra from the western Blue Nile, led by the warrior Ain Bur, arrived with other branches of the Bawadra tribe such as the Bayada, Mashala, and Dabasin, among others. The warrior Ain Bur vowed to completely annihilate the Qinan tribe, and he did so, wiping them out entirely, sparing only women and children. After this, battles occurred at locations such as Al-Sada and Al-Rikabiyyah and Malwiya. Thus, the Qinan tribe was dispersed across eastern Sudan and Eritrea, leaving only a small number who now inhabit the Butana Beja regions.
Yet despite history of the Butana region stating that it was customary for tribes in this region to settle disputes or raids through self-regulation and peace agreements, we observe that this custom did not exist during earlier wars particularly from the 16th to the 18th century. The latter period, particularly under Ahmad Bey Abu Sin, was marked by relentless raids and warfare in the Butana region, with no room for negotiation or peace, only violence and control.
In the context of wars involving the Ajawid (elders), we note Gald al-Beja a custom prevalent in the lands of the Beja. These peoples are made up of four main groups; most notably the Beja, with its numerous subsections; the Beni Amir; the Halanga; and the Basharyin. The term Beja refers to all these tribes and their subsections. Gald al-Beja describes the group of Ajawid elders who sit with both sides to resolve any dispute that may erupt in their lands even if it is murder. The term Gald means the meeting to enforce a binding resolution to a dispute, that may not be rejected by any party present. In his dictionary of the Sudanese colloquial dialect, Dr Awn Alsharif Qasim defines Ajawid as those who mediate between disputing parties to resolve a conflict peacefully. This is an excellent definition.
Two notable Beja wars included the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Kimaylab and the conflict between the Ashraaf and the Nabatab. Despite the many wars among the Beja tribes and their subgroups, Qasim states that he would prefer not to dwell on these so as not to revive old enmity. Perhaps he believed that remembering these wars would stir up old animosities. However, it is certain that all manner of Beja disputes was governed by the Gald practice.
Meanwhile, the Bawadra entered into two major wars after their long conflict with the Qinan including the War of Al-Hajiz, a location between Khashm al-Girba and Kasala and the war of Al-Malwiya, which took place in the same location.
According to Qasim, a small railway station on a rail line connecting to Port Sudan saw bloodshed spilled as if it were the ‘damira’ meaning the Nile flooding. This conflict was mediated by the Rikabiyya, a group of holy men spread-out across Sudan.
Political wars are often initiated by sultans and rulers. Their objectives is to bring the warring group into submission and peace, as we will see. The war we begin with is the war between the Ham Arab of the Humur and the Maaliya. This began when the Maaliya Arabs intercepted a caravan travelling from Egypt to Darfur, killing the traders who were carrying textiles and sugar belonging to the sultan. Sultan Hussein, who ruled Dar al-Nur between 1829 and 1874, was enraged and summoned Sheikh Maki Walad Munim, leader of the Humur Arabs, saying ‘I give you permission to spill the blood and seize the wealth of the Maaliya.’ Sheikh Maki gathered his men and allies and launched a bloody attack that resulted in a victory for the Humur Arabs and the sultan. This was the Battle of Al-Qurtas, named after the small conical paper containers used to carry the sugar.
In 1821, Ismail Pasha, the son of Egypt's Khedive Muhammad Ali Pasha, invaded Sudan with his troops advancing until they reached the Funj Sultanate. The Funj ruler, Muhammad Wad Adlan, surrendered and submitted to Ismail Pasha, who then took control of Sudan. Upon returning to Egypt in 1822, Ismail Pasha arrived in the lands of the Jaliyyin, where the Mak Nimir had made plans to kill him. At the centre of a large gathering, Ismail Pasha sat with his entourage, demanding cattle and wealth to emphasise the Mak’s submission. Mak Nimir had surrounded the council with firewood and positioned his warriors to attack. When the fire was ignited, his warriors attacked, killing Ismail Pasha and his retinue by burning them alive. Mak Nimir then fled to Ethiopia with his family. This led to the devastating defeat of the Jaliyyin at the hands of the Diftirdar representatives of the Egyptian authorities.
This conflict was later reignited by Khalifa Abdullah al-Tayshi after the death of Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi in 1885. Al-Tayshi, who was the Mahdi’s successor, faced resistance from the Mahdi’s family, who claimed they were more entitled to the leadership and were Ashraaf, or descendants of the Prophet Muhammad’s lineage. This led to the struggle known as the Khalifa against Al-Ashraaf following the Mahdi’s death and which was essentially a power struggle—who was more rightful to lead the Mahdist state: the Sharifs due to their familial ties to Al-Mahdi, or the Khalifa, who held the second-highest position in the state during the Mahdi’s lifetime.
The Khalifa Abdullah mobilised the capital of the Mahdist state Omdurman and ordered his kin, the Taysha, and other worriers from tribes in Darfur, to arrest the rebellious Ashraaf. The Khalifa imprisoned all them, thus consolidating his rule over the Mahdist state until the Battle of Karari following the invasion of Sudan in 1898 by the colonial Anglo-Egyptian forces. The Khalifa fled with his followers and was later killed in Um Dibaykarat.
Disputes Ending in Reconciliation
The first recorded war to end in reconciliation was the one sparked by Abdullah Ibn Abi Sarh against the Nubians in Dongola in northern Sudan in 652 AD. This war culminated in the signing of the "Baqt Agreement," which included three key clauses:
· Name of the Agreement: Baqt
· Arabs may pass through the land of Nubia (Sudan) but may not settle there and Nubians may pass through the land of the Arabs (Egypt, Arabian Peninsula) but may not settle there.
· Mosque Maintenance: The mosque built by Ibn Abi Sarh in Dongola is to be illuminated and maintained by the Nubians.
Historians have debated the authenticity of the Baqt Agreement, with some interpretations contradicting verified historical facts. For example, in Dr Awn Alsharif’s dictionary the term Baqt is recorded as Bagit meaning summit in the Nubian language of Dongola.
However, Arabs remained in Sudan in contravention of the agreement’s clauses, and Nubians migrated and settled in Arab lands. As for the mosque, archaeologists have concluded that it was a more modern structure containing the tomb of a sheikh whom they disinterred. These findings cast doubt on the historical existence of the Baqt Agreement, suggesting instead that mutual contributions from both sides resulted in reconciliation.
In western Sudan, wars have always broken out between the Arab tribes and between Arab tribes and those tribespeople of non-Arab origin. There have long been conflicts between the Salamat tribe (an Arab tribe) and other Arab tribes such as the Taysha, and between the Rizeigat against the Awlad Hin and the Kabbash against the Kawahla, who migrated to Kordofan. There have also been conflicts between the Hawazma tribe against the Nuba of the Nuba Mountains, and between Arab tribes and the Zaghawa people in northern Darfur—who are non-Arab. Similarly, there have been wars between the same tribes and the Masalit in northern Darfur. However, the important point is that the native administration in both Darfur and Kordofan, have a longstanding tradition of resolving wars peacefully through the intervention of senior native administrators to resolve differences between the warring sides.
The Madarna Mahas, who cohabited the land of the Butana with the Shukriyya fought wars against the Arab Rufaiyya tribe that lives along the bank of the Blue Nile, not far from the Madarna, east of the Rufaiyya. This dispute was over the borders between the warring groups. The Rufaiyya and Shukriyya, who inhabited the Blue Nile region to the southeast, eventually mediated a peace agreement between the warring parties. The peace settlement stipulated that they would share the borders on condition they lived together peacefully.
In the early period of their settlement in the land of the Butana under the Shukriya tribe, there was a war between the Madarna and the Shukriyya that never fully escalated. Both the Shukriyya and Madarna warriors mobilized for battle, but peace was quickly achieved through the mediation of a group of Shukriyya wise men, in particular their leader, Sheikh Abd-al-Hadi. The Madarna poet, Qasim Wad Attar, chronicled this war, saying:
With the Shukriyya, we have contracts and oaths,
Except for those driven by self-interest – they are ancestors to none.
Riders of hardship in the darkest night,
Their bravest among the crowd, never turns away from the poor.
After the Nubians were forcibly displaced from northern Sudan to the Butana region between 1963–1964, their villages consisted of plots of agricultural land measuring 15 acres designated specifically for crops like peanuts and cotton, which they were unaccustomed to. To overcome this challenge, they relied on the agricultural expertise of migrant workers who moved to the New Halfa Agricultural Project. These migrant workers came from West Africa and Darfur but also included Nubians. Conflicts arose as follows:
A Nubian killed a West African migrant over a farming dispute, leading to threats of war. However, the Nubians sought a peaceful resolution, and through mediation, they agreed to pay compensation (blood money) of 5 pounds per household to all 26 villages, amounting to 250 pounds per village. The affected villages in New Halfa boycotted farming, claiming they had worked on these plots for 35 years and deserved ownership. Disputes arose over compensation demands, particularly from Zaghawa laborers from Chad and Darfur, who sought a total of 32,500 pounds. The Nubians paid this amount in 1991 without involving the police or courts and the peace has thus been kept until this day.
In 2010, another conflict occurred involving migrant workers from Libya over the same farm plots. The residents of Village 10 resisted their claims which escalated the situation and resulted in the killing of farm workers in front of the village mosque, with the remainder fleeing the village. The residents of the neighbouring village were on the brink of intervening, but mediators stepped in. Three mediators from Khartoum were summoned to New Halfa, where negotiations took place. Ultimately, the mediators facilitated a resolution where the Zaghawa paid 65,000 pounds in compensation for the two killed workers, allowing work to continue.
Forms of Peace and Reconciliation
The political authority in Sudan traditionally viewed the country as divided into two regions, the North, predominantly Muslim, and the South, predominantly Christian. The separation of the South in 2011 resulted in a predominantly Muslim state in the North. In the case of a dispute—whether this involved murder, border conflicts, land disputes, or conflicts over grazing rights—the resolution typically followed one of the following:The Koran, Hadith, Islamic Sharia, tribal customs (urf) and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh).
These usually applied to Sudan’s Arabs particularly in the desert regions of the East and West. However, the conflict between Muslim Arabs and Christian Nubians, and the consequent Baqt agreement in 652 AD, remains an exception.
The Ajawid are considered men of knowledge who mediate disputes fairly and play a significant role in resolving conflicts. They, along with tribal leaders, religious figures, and native administrators, often intervene in public matters such as disputes or conflicts. Tribal leaders, religious scholars, and Sufi holy men are held in high esteem by everyone and their opinions are adhered to.
The majority of Sudanese adhere to the Maliki school of Islamic jurisprudence, while those in the far East adhere to the Shafi school, with some following the Hanafi school. Fiqh (Islamic legal reasoning) is less frequently used as a source of mediation, as its application varies among the four major Islamic schools.
In instances where there is a desire to reconcile, individuals are appointed to mediate, and meetings are convened. Tribal leaders are often called upon for larger disputes like wars or murder, while smaller conflicts, such as boundary or grazing disputes, are handled without their direct involvement. The Ajawid often play a central role in organizing and conducting these negotiations, with tribal customs being a guiding factor.
In these meetings, delegates are chosen to facilitate the process, with larger delegations enhancing their authority. In Darfur and Kordofan, the Hakama (poet-mediators) play an important role in easing tensions through spoken word, which helps bridge the gap between conflicting parties. Their role is significant, as they often offer persuasive and reasoned arguments.
Several methods are employed in conflict resolution including inviting the disputants to a specific location on a set date, a tribal leader mediating between the parties, delegates chosen by both sides to negotiate and agree upon a time and location.
The process often begins with a Koranic citation by a religious figure emphasizing verses that promote peace and reconciliation such as "and we have made you peoples and tribes so that you may know one another" or “and if they incline towards peace, then incline to it as well” or “peace be upon you, a word from a Merciful God.”
After the religious readings, a Sufi invocation may follow focussing on peace and unity. The mediators then introduce the Hakama to say her piece and then it is their turn to convey the message they have agreed upon beforehand. Disputants listen respectfully, either agreeing or rejecting what is said in a courteous manner. In all cases, mediators are known for their wisdom and experience in persuading others. If a consensus is reached, a ritual involving the slaughter of livestock as a sacrifice typically follows and is offered by the host to the guests involved. Since it is a given that all parties are Muslim, those gathered always arrive at the conclusion that peace is the best outcome and verses of the Koran and supplications invoking peace are read out. However, in the case of murder, blood money (diyya) is often negotiated and paid, typically facilitated by religious figures and Sufi leaders.
Cover picture: Court is in session, with the judges sitting in a row, El Fasher, 1950 © Durham Sudan archive
The Jibba
The Jibba
The Jibba
The Jibba is considered a Mahdist/Sufi symbol of asceticism, simplicity, and contempt for worldly life. The symbolism of the Jibba was that it was an attempt to encourage national unity among supporters of the Mahdi. The patches symbolized the status and position of the wearer. At the beginning of Al Khalifa Abdullah's reign, some people began to decorate their patches. During the last years of the Mahdia state, the patched Jibba was transformed into a very elegant outfit using English and Egyptian fabrics. Its manufacture required highly professional skills, as the appliques began to be sewn on the fabric of the jubbah with much artistic interest, balance, and symmetry.
The Jibba was not the only distinctive garment worn by the Ansar, as the Ansar also wore the "Jalabia Janah Um Jako" It is a Jalabiya designed to be worn both ways when in a hurry, and a practical design that helps to ride horses quickly.
It is also designed to take into consideration the desert weather, and it is an economical garment that can be worn on both sides so it won't wear out easily from frequent sittings in the circle of dhikr.
Tagiya Um Gerainat
Tagiya Um Gerainat appeared in Christian kingdoms and then in the Islamic Funj state in Sennar (1504-1820). Originally worn by kings, it later became a symbol of prestige and distinction. As the Sultanate disintegrated, it was used in Sufi rituals until the Mahdia period. It was also used in the Sennari ceremony in which the student was promoted to a Shaikh. Sufis continue to wear it to this day in these rituals in the Dhikr circles. During the Mahdist state, it was worn by the Amirs and members of Al Khalifa Abdullah's guard, known as the Mishmaratiya.
The white turban
The men wore a white turban with the Jibba, with an edge that descended to the shoulder and is called the "Azabah". Underneath it was the conical "Tarator" hat that distinguished the Ansar, or a straw hat.
Cover picture: Jibba in Khalifa house collection © Noory Taha, Added by Isaac Allison, March 18, 2023, Reproduced with permission from British Council. Photo by Noory Taha.
The Jibba
The Jibba is considered a Mahdist/Sufi symbol of asceticism, simplicity, and contempt for worldly life. The symbolism of the Jibba was that it was an attempt to encourage national unity among supporters of the Mahdi. The patches symbolized the status and position of the wearer. At the beginning of Al Khalifa Abdullah's reign, some people began to decorate their patches. During the last years of the Mahdia state, the patched Jibba was transformed into a very elegant outfit using English and Egyptian fabrics. Its manufacture required highly professional skills, as the appliques began to be sewn on the fabric of the jubbah with much artistic interest, balance, and symmetry.
The Jibba was not the only distinctive garment worn by the Ansar, as the Ansar also wore the "Jalabia Janah Um Jako" It is a Jalabiya designed to be worn both ways when in a hurry, and a practical design that helps to ride horses quickly.
It is also designed to take into consideration the desert weather, and it is an economical garment that can be worn on both sides so it won't wear out easily from frequent sittings in the circle of dhikr.
Tagiya Um Gerainat
Tagiya Um Gerainat appeared in Christian kingdoms and then in the Islamic Funj state in Sennar (1504-1820). Originally worn by kings, it later became a symbol of prestige and distinction. As the Sultanate disintegrated, it was used in Sufi rituals until the Mahdia period. It was also used in the Sennari ceremony in which the student was promoted to a Shaikh. Sufis continue to wear it to this day in these rituals in the Dhikr circles. During the Mahdist state, it was worn by the Amirs and members of Al Khalifa Abdullah's guard, known as the Mishmaratiya.
The white turban
The men wore a white turban with the Jibba, with an edge that descended to the shoulder and is called the "Azabah". Underneath it was the conical "Tarator" hat that distinguished the Ansar, or a straw hat.
Cover picture: Jibba in Khalifa house collection © Noory Taha, Added by Isaac Allison, March 18, 2023, Reproduced with permission from British Council. Photo by Noory Taha.
The Jibba
The Jibba is considered a Mahdist/Sufi symbol of asceticism, simplicity, and contempt for worldly life. The symbolism of the Jibba was that it was an attempt to encourage national unity among supporters of the Mahdi. The patches symbolized the status and position of the wearer. At the beginning of Al Khalifa Abdullah's reign, some people began to decorate their patches. During the last years of the Mahdia state, the patched Jibba was transformed into a very elegant outfit using English and Egyptian fabrics. Its manufacture required highly professional skills, as the appliques began to be sewn on the fabric of the jubbah with much artistic interest, balance, and symmetry.
The Jibba was not the only distinctive garment worn by the Ansar, as the Ansar also wore the "Jalabia Janah Um Jako" It is a Jalabiya designed to be worn both ways when in a hurry, and a practical design that helps to ride horses quickly.
It is also designed to take into consideration the desert weather, and it is an economical garment that can be worn on both sides so it won't wear out easily from frequent sittings in the circle of dhikr.
Tagiya Um Gerainat
Tagiya Um Gerainat appeared in Christian kingdoms and then in the Islamic Funj state in Sennar (1504-1820). Originally worn by kings, it later became a symbol of prestige and distinction. As the Sultanate disintegrated, it was used in Sufi rituals until the Mahdia period. It was also used in the Sennari ceremony in which the student was promoted to a Shaikh. Sufis continue to wear it to this day in these rituals in the Dhikr circles. During the Mahdist state, it was worn by the Amirs and members of Al Khalifa Abdullah's guard, known as the Mishmaratiya.
The white turban
The men wore a white turban with the Jibba, with an edge that descended to the shoulder and is called the "Azabah". Underneath it was the conical "Tarator" hat that distinguished the Ansar, or a straw hat.
Cover picture: Jibba in Khalifa house collection © Noory Taha, Added by Isaac Allison, March 18, 2023, Reproduced with permission from British Council. Photo by Noory Taha.